西汉时期的西域都护研究

作者： 周建   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 设置   作用   建制   职责   西汉   西域都护   考述  

描述： office term likely from the BC20 to BC18. Moreover, a Xiyu Duhu named Qing and he worked during AD1

全文：公元前20年至公元前18年。此外,尚有一个名为“青”的西域都护存在,其任期约在公元1年至公元3年。 最后,笔者对西域都护的职责和历史作用进行了考证,认为“护国”是西域都护的主要职责,“护道”和保障

宋朝劝农文研究

作者： 王兴刚   来源： 西南师范大学 年份： 2005 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农业技术   劝农文   宋朝   社会风俗  

描述： 的需要,都比较重视发展农业生产,强调劝课农桑为地方官员的重要职责之一。“劝农文”即于此种情况下应运而生。它

全文：的需要,都比较重视发展农业生产,强调劝课农桑为地方官员的重要职责之一。“劝农文”即于此种情况下应运而生。它与农书不同之处在于比较直接针对本地区的农业生产情况和特点;又由于用文告形式写成,文句简炼,篇幅短小

辨析唐代的屯田与营田

作者： 翟麦玲   谢丽   来源： 中国农史 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 唐代   屯田   营田  

描述： 由于二者有不少相似之处,营田使职责也具有双面性；另一方面,史书记载有些地方比较模糊,而且自宋代起人们对二者已经不甚加区分了。本文通过分析历史文献以及敦煌文书中有关屯田与营田的材料,辨析唐代屯田与营田的异同,对未引起研究界重视的二者的区别以及容易混淆的原因,逐一进行辨析。

唐代关中农田水利、水利管理及立法研究

作者： 陈雨梅   来源： 西北大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 唐代关中   水利法规   农田水利   水利管理  

描述： onstruction was directly related to the survival of dynasty.

全文：发展,理清关中水利的脉络。第三部分介绍唐代水利管理机构设置,以《高陵县令刘君遗爱碑》中刘仁师整治泾渠事例为例,探讨水利管理层面的中央及地方水利机构设置及具体职责分工,利用文献资料探讨水利管理权力主体在

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：公共财政职责逐步减少,而其作为皇室库藏的性质却日益突出。在这个过程中,太仓库开始越来越多地担负起国家公共收支领域的财政职责。大约在弘治末、正德初,太仓库成为专备应对紧急军情或者地方重大灾伤的财政机构。嘉靖、隆庆

北宋农田水利法规研究

作者： 张博   来源： 郑州大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 法规   农田水利   北宋  

描述： , which is also suitable to the Northern Song Dynasty.

全文：的内容。 北宋统治者不仅重视水利立法工作,而且重视水利法规的执行机构及职官设置,形成了完备的农田水利法规执行机构和职责明确、奖惩分明的监督运行机制。水利执法监督主要从四个方面入手：颁布法令和派人巡视

边塞农牧文化的历史互动与地域分野

作者： 李智君   来源： 复旦大学 年份： 2005 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 河陇   游牧文化   农耕文化   历史文化地理  

描述： 地处黄土高原、青藏高原和内蒙古高原之间的河西和陇右地区,在中国历史文化发展历程中始终承担着双重角色。首先是沟通。沿着丝绸之路,佛教、伊斯兰教、基督教从旧大陆的中西部传向东方,把北部和西部的草原文化渐次输入内地。同时把中华农耕文化的文明由这里输出至旧大陆的中部和西部。其次是防御。纵横于亚欧草原通道上的

全文：严重的威胁和灾难。农耕民族为了避免或减少此类事件的发生,在修筑长城进行防御的同时,还在中原内地与大漠草原之间,建立了一个防御性地带,即边塞地带。河陇地区在历史上就长期担任这一职责,从历代长城由陇右至河西

边塞农牧文化的历史互动与地域分野

作者： 李智君   来源： 复旦大学 年份： 2005 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 河陇   游牧文化   农耕文化   历史文化地理  

描述： 地处黄土高原、青藏高原和内蒙古高原之间的河西和陇右地区,在中国历史文化发展历程中始终承担着双重角色。首先是沟通。沿着丝绸之路,佛教、伊斯兰教、基督教从旧大陆的中西部传向东方,把北部和西部的草原文化渐次输入内地。同时把中华农耕文化的文明由这里输出至旧大陆的中部和西部。其次是防御。纵横于亚欧草原通道上的

全文：严重的威胁和灾难。农耕民族为了避免或减少此类事件的发生,在修筑长城进行防御的同时,还在中原内地与大漠草原之间,建立了一个防御性地带,即边塞地带。河陇地区在历史上就长期担任这一职责,从历代长城由陇右至河西

先秦农官研究

作者： 董曌华   来源： 河南大学 年份： 2012 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 职官   先秦   劝农   农官  

描述： 中国农官的起源极为久远。《左传·昭公十七年》记载郯君讲述古郯国的职官时，就提到有专管农业的九农正；周的祖先从弃开始，世世代代都做虞、夏的农官；殷墟甲骨文中记载有主掌农耕事务的小耤臣、小刈臣、小众人臣等。但直到商朝，农官的职务大多并不固定，小耤臣掌管耕种、小刈臣掌管收割，都是事毕便罢。“官事可摄”的现

全文：领兵征战的统帅乃至王朝执政官。再次是管理权限的不明确，部分农官的职责有很多交叉的地方。最后官称区分也不清晰，王室与公室的农官在称谓上几乎没有区别。这种情况表明我国的农官制度在当时尚处于初步发展期

对当代中国三农问题观念的反思

作者： 杜瑾   来源： 中国人民大学 年份： 2005 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 观念   三农问题   反思  

描述： 三农问题是当今中国的一个沉重话题,这不仅因为三农触目惊心的现实,还因为它是中国一系列复杂的社会历史现实问题相互纠结的结果和体现因而成了久拖不决的世纪难题。然而三农大国的基本国情又决定了三农是一个我们永远绕不开而必须着手解决的重大现实问题。正因此,三农问题也是目前众人关注的热点焦点问题。对此,关心三农

全文：人的残酷冷漠的动物本性的 张扬,社会关爱本质的泯灭。误区之三是,市场经济并不是政府角色的退出和 无所作为的“超脱”,相反是其角色职责的强化。即维护平等竞争的正常秩序, 更要担当其扶弱济贫的社会救助职责