明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：本文以明代太仓库为研究对象,从基本财政体制及国家与社会互动的角度,用动态的眼光对其进行考察。其基本目标是展现太仓库作为明代中央财政核心库藏机构的制度设置、管理、变更历程,考察太仓库收支项目、数量,进而以太仓库为中心,对明代国家财政体系运行的机制、状态,以及明代中央财政体系的基本类型特征进行系统的分析。 就参考文献而言,《明实录》记事通贯明代始终,是涵盖太仓库运作全过程的一套最成体系的史料,本文将之作为研究整个有明一代太仓库发展、演变以及不同时期地位作用变化的核心文献。同时,本文利用各朝制书,如洪武时期《诸司职掌》、正德《明会典》、万历《明会典》、万历《太仓考》以及《万历会计录》等文献,对太仓库制度、地位做横向断面的详细剖析。万历中后期户部尚书赵世卿所作《司农奏议》、崇祯初户部尚书毕自严的《度支奏议》、《石隐园藏稿》及崇祯末年户部尚书倪元璐的《倪文贞集》等,皆收录作者关于太仓库的许多疏牍。其他明人奏疏、笔记及清代史料中也有相对分散的关于明代太仓库的记载,皆尽量收集参考。 本文研究表明,明初成立的内库,是一个以负责国家公共事务为主、负责皇室收支为辅的机构。其后,内库所担当的国家公共财政职责逐步减少,而其作为皇室库藏的性质却日益突出。在这个过程中,太仓库开始越来越多地担负起国家公共收支领域的财政职责。大约在弘治末、正德初,太仓库成为专备应对紧急军情或者地方重大灾伤的财政机构。嘉靖、隆庆至万历朝是太仓库演变速度最快和最集中的时期,除“财政储备”功能之外,它还逐步担当起负责北京和边镇常规开支的财政职责。万历前期,太仓库的财政地位达到顶峰。万历中期以后,太仓库的“财政储备”功能日益减缩。万历末年开始的加派新饷从制度上再次提升了太仓库的财政地位,然而太仓库岁入逋欠问题的日益严重使得新、旧饷的征收面临极大问题,因此其实际财政地位不升反降。天启、崇祯时期,太仓库逐步失去对边镇常规年例银以及为紧急军情、地方灾荒提供财政支持和救济的能力。至崇祯末年,户部将太仓库财政收入的征收和管理权力全部下放给地方政府和各军镇,太仓库成为一个虚设的空壳。 太仓库的岁入类项是逐步由少到多发展起来的。除内库逐步削弱其国家公共财政职责的原因之外,北边军镇财政开支银额的不断增长也是太仓库岁入类项扩增的重要原因。嘉靖、隆庆至万历前期是太仓库岁入类项扩增最快的时期,万历前期,太仓库外库的收入负责支付京师及北边军镇的部分日常开销,太仓库老库及窖房银存贮不动,以备紧急军情或灾荒之需。万历中期以后,一方面,边镇财政需求扩增的趋势仍在,而户部却再也没有能力扩大太仓库的收入范围和岁入总银额,太仓库停滞不前的额定岁入与边镇持续上涨的实际财政需求之间的差距越来越大;另一方面,太仓库既有的收入类项与额定岁入银额因逋欠、蠲免等原因逐渐减少,以致不能如额支付边镇年例银。新饷的加派、对太仓老库、窖房及南京户部银的借用虽能使太仓库的财政状况出现短暂缓解,却无助于改变太仓库实际收入逐步减少的基本趋势,也无助于改变边镇军饷需求持续升高的基本走向。就在太仓库实际财政岁入与边镇实际财政需求的反向运动中,明朝的国家财政最终崩溃。 太仓库的财政开支类项主要包括在京开支、国家军事及地方赈济等,其中最重要的是发往北边军镇的年例银。太仓库年例银起源于京运年例银,并被长久视为京运年例银的一部分。北边军镇的京运年例银在正统年间就已经出现。在成化到弘治时期,太仓库年例银的发放是不规律的,时少时多。太仓库在这一时期并不负责北边所有军镇年例银的发放,而且太仓库时常与其他财政收入一起共同负责个别边镇的年例银供应。弘治与嘉靖两朝是太仓库年例银发放频率较高的时期。隆庆时期,太仓库成为北边军镇京运年例银的核心发放机构,担当起为北边军镇提供部分常规性军费开支的财政职责。万历前期,太仓库年例银的发放形成比较稳定的制度,其后直至崇祯,太仓库年例银与京运年例银逐步归并为一。 虽然关于太仓库发放年例银的记载在成化时期就可见到,但太仓库年例银岁支总额的记载到隆庆元年才出现。在隆庆到万历前期,太仓库年例银岁支总额基本保持较稳定的数额,前后差距不大;太仓库预算年例银额基本都能落实,额定年例银与太仓库实际发放的年例银额之间没有多大差距。万历中期,太仓库额定年例银支出上升较快,对太仓库构成越来越大的财政压力,以致户部不得不经常借支太仓老库、窖房、太仆寺常盈库等机构的存银进行贴补。另一方面,随着太仓库岁入逋欠的日益严重,太仓库实际岁支年例银的数额不断下降。万历末期到崇祯朝,太仓库旧库的额定年例银岁支总数停止了上升的势头,较以前的银额稍有下降,并大致保持在这一水平。但是,太仓库旧库发往北边军镇的实际年例银岁额则下降幅度巨大,与其预算年例银岁支额形成越来越大的差距。 纵观年例银在边镇军饷总岁入中所占比例的变化可知,弘治、正德时期,京运银岁额所占边镇军饷总岁额的比重较低;到隆庆末、万历初,太仓库年例银岁支总额在边镇军饷总岁入额中所占的比重已经达到三分之一左右。万历中期,这一比重又有所提升。这说明,万历时期,太仓库年例银在边镇军饷供应中已经占据重要地位,但边镇军饷供应又并非绝对依靠太仓库年例银,屯田、民运、盐引等收入仍然是边镇军饷供应的主要组成部分。崇祯时期,边镇军饷供应演变成以依靠太仓库银为主。因此,太仓库年例银所占边镇军饷供应总额的比重呈逐步升高的趋势。 明代财政强调“量入为出”的基本原则,太仓库通常以本年岁入及库存预支下一年的岁支。然而,在嘉靖以后的大部分年份里,由于边镇巨额军费开支的压力,在岁入无法满足岁支需求的情形下,“量出以制入”的情况逐步增多,户部不得不采取各种措施增加岁入,扩大太仓库的岁入类项,其中许多类项由临时、应急性措施最终得到正式认可而成为太仓库的制度化收入。万历中后期至崇祯朝的绝大部分年份内,太仓库的岁支越来越超出岁入所能承受的范围,不但“量出”以制定增加的“岁入”不能实现,原有的岁入也面临日益严重的逋欠问题。从嘉靖七年开始直到崇祯末年,太仓库岁入少于岁出的情况占据了有确切记载年份的绝大多数。在太仓库长期支出浮于收入的情况下,明朝的整个国家财政体系却能维持运转达一个多世纪。这是因为:首先,《明实录》的编撰者们有着明显地选择记录太仓库财政欠佳年份的倾向,这是明代太仓库收支呈现长久亏损面貌的原因之一。其次,一般情况下,太仓库岁入额通常仅指太仓库额定收入款项内得到的财政收入,也就是其正赋,户部在其正赋之外通过挪借等手段从其他财政体系中所得到的款项通常被算入岁支银额中,而不被算入岁入银额中。再者,太仓库发展的重要促动因素之一在于其不断扩大的财政开支。最后,明代太仓库在长期亏损的情况下又维持了一百余年的根本原因还在于太仓库对明代国家财政体系,尤其是对明代北边军饷而言,更多时候是补贴性的,而不是基础性的。 最后,明代太仓库与盐法的财政关系演变历史表明,嘉靖朝是二者财政关系发生转变的关键时期。在嘉靖朝以前,存积等盐偶尔会因盐法雍滞或者太仓库财政需要而被折卖成银纳入太仓库,但从未形成制度化的规定。嘉靖时期,在既要维持开中的祖制、又要解决开中制无法有效满足边镇军饷需求的情况下,正盐开中于边、余盐纳银解往太仓库的双轨并行制度最终形成。通过这种方式,户部将盐法收入中的大部分直接集中于太仓库,从而加强了对盐法的监管和控制,太仓库与北边军镇开支的财政关系也就此得到进一步强化。 总之,明代财政制度是随着时间发展和相应而来的不同因素对比的变化而不断变化的,从来没有凝固在一种定式上。明代财政史乃至中国古代制度史的研究应当关照实行该制度的共同体的整个生命历程,这样才能理清该制度的来龙去脉,了解其基本形态。关于皇帝在明代国家财政体系中的权力问题,以往研究有夸大的倾向。有明一代,国家公共财政收支与皇室收支明显呈逐步分离的趋势。在这样的发展过程中,户部对其管辖的太仓库握有相当程度的财政权力。虽然有关太仓库的财政决定基本都要上奏皇帝,但不能因此就认为皇帝的财政权力不可分割或者皇帝以下的机构只有财政责任而无财政权力。以往用阶级斗争理论来进行的明代经济史研究,大多关注统治阶级与被统治阶级的矛盾。本文的研究表明,在统治阶层内部,更加注重国家整体利益的官僚士大夫和过分强调私人利益的、以皇帝为核心的利益团体之间存在长久而深刻的矛盾。明代国家财政的目标是通过最小限度地征收民众财富以满足维持国家正常运行的基本需求,其背后隐含的理念是要最大限度地保障最大多数人的基本物质生存条件。私人利益与国家公共利益之间的冲突是明代财政制度中的根本矛盾。在保持帝制体制不变的情况下,官僚士大夫的道德养成是解决私人利益与国家公共利益冲突的一种较实际与有效的方式。这是明代国家相对于制度的精密构建而言更加偏重于有德人才的选拔与任用的重要原因。明代国家税收方面的根本问题并不在于税率的高或低,而在于递减的国家赋税征收能力与递增的实际财政岁需之间矛盾的逐步升级。衡量明代财政制度的标准应当是看它是否符合初设的财政理念。与强调个人利益之天然合法性的现代资本主义社会相比,生产能力有限的明代中国更注重当下多数民众的生存状况。以这样的思想观念来衡量,明政府追求稳定与最低经济活动水平的税收政策至少是可以理解的而非荒谬可笑的。

明清时期巢湖流域农业发展研究

作者： 陈恩虎   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农业经济   农业发展   明清   巢湖流域  

描述： 区域农业经济研究是目前经济史研究的热门课题,至今已有许多成果问世。相对而言,巢湖流域农业经济的研究较为滞后,并且研究领域和成果比较分散,尚未形成全面、系统的研究体系,其主要原因应当是学术界常常会以明清时代的巢湖流域与全国其他区域相比不具备“典型性”为由,漠视了对巢湖流域的经济研究。因此,努力填补明清

全文：中的比较法,分析巢湖流域与安徽省其它区域、本地区前后期的关系、异同和兴衰。选题研究的主干性材料为地方志、家谱一类的地方文献,并充分发掘现存的文书资料,对《徽州千年契约文书·清民国编》第1卷和第2卷收

明罗汝敬事功研究

作者： 王敬伟   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 罗汝敬   事功   西北开发  

描述： g Bu between Yong Le and Zheng Tong. He had participated in the third recession of ,Ming Dynsty called troops back from An Nan(The Fouth and Fifth Chapter) and affirms his role on the the mutation relationship between Ming Dynasty and An Nan. Luo Rujing took an important part in the development of Shan Xi Military-Farmsettlement for ten years. He had made enormous contribution on Shan Xi Military-Farmsettlement's restoration and water conservancy facilities management. Compared with the later period of Yong Le, Shan Xi military farm settlement has restored greatly on a stage as intermediate period of Xuan De. With Luo Rujing's absent from Shan Xi, Military一Farmsettlement in northwest of Ming Dynasty degraded obviously. "Paeificated Jiao Zhi, Carried out the mission successfully" and had come into ShanXi four times to manage in the opening up wasteland and "He contributes in many aspects".

全文：罗汝敬是明代前期的重要文官,在永乐至正统年间历任侍讲、御史、工部右侍郎等职,曾参与《太祖实录》的第三次修订;两次“抚谕交趾,不辱命”;四次入陕督理屯田,“多所建制”。 本文以罗汝敬的生平为主线,重点叙述罗汝敬代表明政府从安南撤军期间的所作所为,对罗汝敬在明安关系的转变中所起的作用给予肯定;罗汝敬对陕西军屯的发展可谓殚精竭虑,其在陕时间长达八年,对陕西军屯的恢复和水利设施的管理贡献巨大,使宣德中期陕西军屯与永乐后期相比有较大恢复。随着罗汝敬的离陕,明代西北的军屯从此一蹶不振。

曹魏两大政治集团论析

作者： 王建明   来源： 山东大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 曹魏政治集团   汝颍   谯沛  

描述： Group headed by Cao Cao, Shuzhong Group led by Liu Bei, Jiangdong Group led by Sun Quan. The political bloc led by Cao Cao had the most abundant strength and talents came forth in large numbers. During the long-term expedition two major factions within formed: Ru一Ying Group and Qiao Pei Group. Ru-Ying Group charged civil service mainly and Qiao Pei Group was mainly made up of generals. These two groups had a long-term punitive expedition since Cao Cao fought against Dong Zhuo. Finally they unified vast areas of Northern China and carried out fruitful management, which avoided serious damage in the region by a long war and laid a good economic, political and military foundation for the unification of China in the future. Cao Cao fought against Dong Zhuo at the beginning, seizing Yanzhou, Zhangxiu, Xuhuai, Guandu, the four states, Wuhuan and Jingzhou, beat the seemingly invincible powerful opponents one after another. His forces got stronger and stronger. The two major political groups of Cao Wei supported Caocao on political and military aspects. Because these two groups represented the interests of their own, inevitably buried hidden dangers of can get on well with in adversity but can not share wealth. Ru-Ying Group is represented by the family of Han who was in the name of safeguarding the rule of the Eastern Han dynasty but to protect their interests. They can support Cao Cao's domination, but resolutely oppose his taking over Han dynasty. Qiao Pei Group on behalf of Cao Cao's family numbers who wished to gain greater benefits through Cao Cao's taking over Han dynasty. AD 209 years, The Battle of Red Cliff, which was Cao Cao's great cause of reunification of the most important ended in failure. As the highest strategic staff groups, Ru Ying Group throughout the campaign process simultaneously inconceivable aphasia, and the army of Cao Cao was defeated. Cao Cao became unable to dominate the country again in the rest of his life. This result was what Sun Quan, Liu Bei would like to see, Ru Ying Group was also willing to see it. From the historical records there was no record of staff at the Advanced Medium's death to give people the impression that Ru-Ying Group seemed to have known the defeat in advance. When Cao Cao was still alive, Qiao Pei Group holded the upper hand. But after the death of Cao Cao, Ru-Ying Group strongly supported Cao Pi to be the king. Finally Chen Qun put forward "Jiupinzhongzheng system", which established the family of Han's political monopoly. The two major political groups gradually moved towards a balance. After the death of Wei Ming King, the two major political groups split from co-operation, eventually formed a situation of endless immortality. Cao Shuang and He Yan of Qiao Pei Group were launched by Sima Yi through Gaopingling case when the situation was good. Sima Yi killed Cao Shuang and holded military and political power in the country. He cruelly blowed members of the Group Qiao Pei through a series of charges against them. Then, Jin Dynasty took place Wei. Ru-Ying Group obtained a comprehensive win. While Qiao Pei Group after its three generations with a heavy heart exit stage of history.

全文：东汉末年,群雄并起,战乱频繁,最终形成以曹操为首的曹魏集团、刘备为首的蜀中集团、孙权为首的江东集团,其中以曹操为首的政治军事集团实力最为雄厚,人材辈出,并在长期征战中形成了内部的两大派别:汝颍集团和谯沛集团,汝颍集团多以文官为主,谯沛集团多以统兵大将为主,这两大集团从曹操起兵讨董卓始就围绕在曹操身边进行了长期的南征北战,最终统一了中国北方的广大地区,并对这一地区进行了卓有成效的管理,避免了长期战乱对这一地区的严重破坏,为日后中国的统一打下了良好的经济、政治和军事基础。 从曹操自伐董卓始,夺兖州、征张绣、平徐淮、战官渡、定四州、征乌桓、占荆州,击败了一个又一个貌似强大不可战胜的对于,势力由小到大,由弱到强。曹魏两大政治集团从政治军事上给予了曹操重大支持:挟天子以令诸侯、行屯田之法从政治、经济上占据丰动,夺兖州、征张绣、平徐淮、战官渡、定四州、征乌桓、占荆州,军事上占据有利位置。 曹魏集团内部这两大政治集团自跟随曹操进行南征北战之日起,由于各自代表的集团利益的不同,不可避免地埋下了可以共患难、不能共富贵的隐患。汝颍集团代表的是以维护东汉没落统治为名,保护自身在东汉末期的利益为实的世家大族,他们可以支持曹操独霸一方,却坚决反对曹操代汉;而谯沛集团代表的是通过战争军功或因为战乱获得高位的曹氏宗族及新贵们,他们希望通过曹操代汉获得更大的利益。 公元209年,在曹操统一大业中最重要的赤壁之战竟然以惨败告终,而作为最高战略参谋集团的汝颍集团竟然在整个战役过程中不可思议的同时失语,而久经战阵的曹操大军也是一败千里,至此,曹操在其有生之年再无力一统天下。从反对曹操代汉的角度来看,这个结果是孙权、刘备愿意看到的,而汝颍集团也是愿意这一结果出现的,从历史记载中没有记录高级参谋人员在此次大败中丧命,倒让人感觉到汝颍集团似乎早知有此一败一般。 曹操在世之时,曹魏两大政治集团谯沛集团占据上风,但是汝颍集团通过曹操立嗣,极力支持曹丕继位,并在曹操去世后积极支持曹丕称帝获拥立之功,最终由陈群提出“九品中正制”从制度上确立世家大族的政治垄断,两大政治集团力量逐步走向均衡。 魏明帝去世后,曹魏两大政治集团从合作最终走向分裂,最终形成了不死不休的局面。谯沛集团的曹爽、何晏在形势一片大好的情况下,被司马懿发动高平陵事件,罢废曹爽(之后灭三族),独掌军国大权,并通过一系列的罪名对谯沛集团的成员进行残酷打击。自后以晋代魏,以汝颍为代表的世家大族取得了全面胜利,而最初随曹操南征北战的谯沛集团在其三代后黯然退出了历史舞台。

唐代西北地区政治地理格局变动研究

作者： 魏昀   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 唐朝   疆域   羁縻府州   屯田   交通  

描述： th about three of culture and materials the country's territory changed a lot. The country's territory was in an extending period before and the An-Shi Armed Rebellion, and once extended to the Central Asia area.At the same time, the Tang government founded the Ji-Mi-Fu-Zhou system in the Western Regions. The situation changed rapidly when the An-Shi Armed Rebellion broke out. Then the central government mobilized the troops in the Western Regions to participating in putting down the Rebellion, so the border defence was weakened. Tu-bo took the chance to occupy a large amount of territory. Almost Long You Area was oppupied by Tu-bo later in Tang Dynasty. The thesis is divided into five chapters: political geography circumstance in northwest area in early Tang Dynasty，including the situation of physical geography and the nation regime; the political geography situation in the extending period of territory from Tai Zong to Gao Zong;the political geography situation in the stable period of territory from Wu-zhou era to An-Shi Armed Rebellion;the political geography situation in the shrinking period of territory after An-Shi Armed Rebellion;relationship between the change of political geography situation and economy and traffic. Conclusion: From A.D. 7th to 9th century，Asia-Erope Continent was a place where Tang, Da-shi and Tu-bo contended for political space. The country's power of politics, economy and military strengthened before An-Shi Armed Rebellion, and part of the Central Asia area belonged to Tang government. The territory reached to an unparalleled scale at that time, which can be divided into three parts: the capital area where Chang-an and Luoyang were located in was the empire's center of politics, culture and military; the Zheng-zhou that around the captals was where the finance of central government stemmed from; the Ji-mi-fu-zhou system Tang government founded in the frontier area was the military buffer zone with nation regimes in vicnity. At the same time, Tu-bo appeared in the stage of history in A.D 7th century. After the King Song-zan-gan-bu unified the Tibet plateau, Tu-bo's power strengthed rapidly and harassed Tang's frontiers inceasingly. The Tang government put the defense police actively into effect so as to resist Tu-bo's aggression and defend country's benefit in Long-you area. When An-Shi Armed Rebellion broke out, Tu-bo took the chance to occupy vast territory of Tang Dynasty, like Minzhou, Lanzhou, Kuozhou, Guazhou, and so on. Eventually, almost all Long-you areas belonging to Tang Dynasty was occupid by Tu-bo. In the field of geopolitics, the national power strengthened in the earlier stage of Tang Dynasty and stronger than Tu-bo. Tu-bo didn't have the strength contending with Tang Dynasty, even harassed the frontier once a while. Until the An-Shi Armed Rebellion, the Tang government had no more advantage and the national power was weakened.

全文：唐代是中国历史上的鼎盛王朝之一。唐王朝近三百年历史,在创造了无与伦比的物质和精神文明的同时,国家的疆域也发生了剧烈变化。以安史之乱为界,唐前期,国家的疆域处于一个不断扩展的时期,唐王朝的势力范围曾一度到达今天的中亚地区,并在那里建立了羁縻府州体系,国家疆域的范围达到了空前规模。随着安史之乱的爆发,形势急转,中央政府抽调边兵前往内地参与平叛。吐蕃势力趁唐朝西北边备空虚之际,不断蚕食唐土。唐军虽然组织了抵抗,但面对日益强大的吐蕃,已是强弩之末。到唐后期,陇右地区几乎都被吐蕃占有,双方的边界仅维持在陇山一线。 本文分为五部分,第一部分介绍唐初西北地区的政治地理格局,包括自然地理概貌和民族政权的分布情况:第二部分论述太宗至高宗朝疆域扩展时期的政治地理格局,包括唐初进军西域之初、西突厥旧地的羁縻府州化和葱岭以西地区的羁縻府州化三节;第三部分论述武周至安史之乱前疆域稳定时期的政治地理格局,包括驻防体系、政治地理格局分析和安史之乱前疆界的伸缩三节;第四部分论述安史之乱后疆域退缩时期的政治地理格局,包括安史之乱对西北地区政治地理格局的影响、归义军献图归唐与疆界西移两节;第五部分论述政治地理格局变动与经济交通的关系,包括唐代西北屯田和西北交通两节。通过以上五部分的论述,重点探讨疆域变化在地理空间上的表现、唐政府在对陇右地区实行有效统治时期的行政建置和驻防体系、以及民族关系对疆域变动的影响等问题。 最后得出的结论是:公元七到九世纪的亚欧大陆是唐、吐蕃、大食三方竞相角逐的时代。从太宗到玄宗开元时期,国家的政治、经济、军事实力处于上升阶段,疆土不断西进,最强盛时包括今天中亚的阿姆河、锡尔河流域都纳入到了唐朝的势力范围,并在葱岭东西建立了羁縻统治体系。此时的唐朝疆域可以划分为三个圈层,一是长安和洛阳所在的两京地区,作为帝国的都城,既是全国的最高权力所在,又是政治、军事和文化中心;二是都城四周全国范围内编户齐民的正州,这些地区是中央政府的财富来源地:三是唐在边疆地区建立的羁縻府州系统,成为与周边民族政权对立时期的军事缓冲地带。这一时期,吐蕃登上了历史舞台,松赞干布统一西藏高原后,吐蕃实力逐渐壮大。吐蕃崛起并不断侵扰唐朝,为抵御侵略,维护陇右河西地区的安定,唐朝实行了积极的防御政策,有效的阻止了吐蕃的不断进攻。安史之乱爆发后,唐政府抽调安西兵力前往内地平叛,造成边备空虚。吐蕃先后攻陷了岷、兰、廓、河、鄯、洮、岷、秦、成、渭、甘、肃、瓜、西州以及北庭都护府,趁机占有了唐朝的大片领土,陇右地区几乎全部被吐蕃占有,使唐后期的西部边界仅维持在陇山一线。从地缘政治的角度看,唐朝方面从高祖到玄宗开元时期,国力处于上升阶段,开元时达到鼎盛,较之大食和吐蕃的实力,唐朝占有明显的优势,吐蕃虽然偶尔有侵扰唐朝边地的举动,但并不具备与之抗衡的实力。直到公元751年怛逻斯战役,崛起的大食与唐帝国发生了正面的军事冲突,四年之后的安史之乱,更使得唐在与吐蕃、大食的角逐中的优势不复存在。由此,唐朝在政治军事上开始处于“守势”,已不能与唐前期的国家实力相提并论。

历史时期青海地区自然灾害与区域社会经济发展研究

作者： 刘雯   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 青海地区   自然灾害   历史时期   社会效应  

描述： e distinctive features in Western and Eastern of Qinghai's natural disaster in history which based on the historical materials and studied the Interaction Relationship Between the natural disasters and social-economic development, we used the theory and analysis method from the research area of disaster history and agricultural history, try to have a comprehensive investigation between the natural disasters and social-economic development in the history of Qinghai. Firstly, we divided Qinghai into two parts: the eastern and the western, under the study of the geographical features of Qinghai. We summarized the natural disaster of the eastern part mainly as flood, drought, hailstone and frost with distinctive features of variety, continuity and growth accompany while the western is mainly as earthquake and snow disaster with distinctive features of unexpected and severity. Secondly ， as the great influence on agriculture and the resulting changement in agriculture is most profound, so the progress in agriculture sciences is related to withstand the natural disaster in some ways. The paper discussed the natural disasters affected Qinghai's agriculture in history, from the aspect of seed selection 、 production 、 processing and storage to invest the development of mitigation techniques in this area. And for the livestock we investigated in two sides bred of livestock and prevention of livestock, furthermore we invested the mitigation techniques which full of geographical characteristics. Thirdly, the article investigated the relationship between natural disasters and the economic fluctuation in Qinghai from the perspective of the change in population and grain price. And then, we analyzed the influence on regional industrial structure from the aspect of expansion in rural areas, the relationship between agriculture and animal husbandry, disaster-relief crop introduction and the structure of animal species. In the view of pastoral economic exchange, we studied the interaction relationship between the natural disasters and economic development. Finally, we studied the interaction relationship between the natural disasters and social development in Qinghai. What is more, we analyzed the policy which includes grain storage, relieved and help the people in disaster , reduced taxes to control the disaster in history. We wish these could be helpful to the prevention and control of natural disasters in Qinghai today.

全文：青海历史上频发的自然灾害对该区域的社会经济发展产生了重要的影响。本文对青海地区自然灾害史料进行系统梳理的基础上,概括总结了青海东、西部地区历史灾害的诸多特点,并从农业历史学角度考察了历史时期青海地区自然灾害对农业发展的影响,进而探讨历史时期青海自然灾害与该地区经济和社会发展之间的互动关系。 首先,将历史时期青海地区的自然灾害分为东部和西部分别进行论述,并总结归纳出历史上青海东部以水、旱、雹、霜为主的自然灾害存在着多样性、增长性、连续性、伴生性的特点;青海西部以地震、雪灾为主的自然灾害则更具突发性和严重性。 其次,由于农业在自然灾害中所受影响最大,由此带来的一系列改变也最为深刻,农业科技的进步很大程度上与抵御自然灾害相联系。文章探讨了历史时期青海地区的农业灾害情况,从选种、生产、加工、储藏的角度对该地区种植业减灾技术的发展进行了考察,对畜牧业则从畜种选育和畜疫防治的角度进行了分析,此外还考察了具有地域特色的减灾技术。 再次,从自然灾害与人口数量及粮食价格波动的角度考量自然灾害与青海地区区域经济波动的关系;从农区扩张、农牧关系、抗灾作物的引种、畜种构成的角度对该地区自然灾害对区域产业结构的影响作深入的分析。在此基础上,主要基于自然灾害对农牧经济交流的影响来考量历史时期自然灾害与青海经济发展间的互动关系。 最后,考察了历史时期青海地区自然灾害与区域社会发展之间的互动关系。通过分析历史上政府控制灾荒的措施,即设仓积谷、赈济救助、蠲免租调徭役等,以期对当今青海地区灾害的预防和控制有所裨益。

植物河道水流特性和稳定河相关系研究

作者： 王燕   来源： 中国海洋大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 仙农熵   水流特性   生态河流   根系加固   河相关系  

描述： made for economic prosperity. At the same time, some man-made natural disasters have been paid more and more attentions , so the research on hydraulic characteristics of the river in recent years has been put on the agenda. Considering the ecological environment, flood control, pollution prevention and control method, and in view of the perspective of the urban landscape as well as the national strategic plan for sustainable development, the research the hydraulic characteristics of river and making river reasonably repair and ecological reconstruction will become a general trend, because that is a kind of remediation measure for human to be done unreasonable exploitation, and it also will be the strong protection of river resources and sustainable model for better using river resources in the future.

全文：河流的开发利用带来了一定的经济效益,为经济的繁荣做出了很大的贡献。但与此同时,人为造成的自然灾害不得不越来越引起人们的广泛关注,于是近年来河道的水力特性的研究已提上日程。无论是从生态、防洪、防治污染角度,还是从城市景观的角度,乃至从国家可持续发展的战略部署考虑,研究河流的水力特性,使河流能够得到切合自身特点的生态修复都是大势所趋,是对人类前期不合理开发河流的补救措施,也是今后继续利用河流资源的有力保障和可持续模式。 在对目前河道特性研究综述的前提下,本文对滩地种有植物的复式河道的水力特性、河宽动力调整进行了物理模型试验研究。选用麦冬草作为复式河道的滩地上的滩地植被进行试验,通过使用ADV、便携式流速仪和界面测定仪进行流场及河道地形测量,探讨了滩地处植被对河宽调整的影响。 本文比较系统、全面地总结了植物河道水流特性及河宽调整问题的研究成果;开展了复式河道滩地植物的动床试验,观测了滩地种植植被前后的水流特性变化情况与河宽动力调整过程,并进行了相应的理论研究;引入植物的种植密度,考察在不同种植密度的情况下对河宽调整的影响关系,得出相关的糙率拟合公式;在能量均衡关系的基础上,利用仙农熵的理论,对影响沙质河床稳定河相关系的因素进行了探讨,通过理论分析,认为在取得所测河段上下边界测点相关资料后,用最大熵原理和变分法可以推导出稳定的河相关系与断面宽度、平均水深、时间的关系式,最后通过试验对所得公式验证其合理性,认为其在计算试验区间任何时刻河相关系系数,均得到较好的吻合结果,丰富了此类问题的研究成果;在阐述生态河流内涵的基础上,从影响生态河流自然功能和社会功能的因子出发,分析了生态河流的研究现状;从生态修复技术、水体自净技术等方面着手,指出了生态河流目前在应用技术层面上的发展程度及其趋势。

明清时期西北地区农业灾害研究

作者： 彭莉   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 明清时期西北地区   自然灾害   农业   农村   农民  

描述： cultivation development process to be especialty difficult, frequent occurrence of multiple disasters, the development of the Northwest Territories are important constraints, the reduction of agricultural land, agriculture, the substantial loss of population, agriculture, infrastructure damage, agricultural ecological environment and the poor. Based on this, the north-west areas of the process of agricultural drought introduced varieties, select a variety of agricultural disaster mitigation technology. In this paper, the Northwest Territories to explore the Ming and Qing Dynasties of natural disasters on agricultural production hazards, damage the rural economy and livelihood of the affected farmers. By the six parts.

全文：明清时期西北地区农业灾害严重,频繁发生的多种灾害是西北地区发展重要的制约因素,农业耕地的减少、农业人口的大量流失、农业设施的破坏、农业生态环境的恶化等。基于此,西北地区开展农耕的过程中引进了抗旱品种、选择多种农业减灾抗灾技术。本文主要探讨明清时期西北地区自然灾害对农业生产的危害、农村经济的破坏和农民生活的影响。由六部分组成。 第一章,绪言。阐述选题的目的和意义。结合国内外有关明清时期西北地区灾害和农业历史文献研究发现:西北地区的农业灾害研究主要包括史料的收集、灾害与环境、灾害与农业经济及灾害与社会的研究,本文宏观上从灾害与农业、农村和农民之间的关系研究灾害的危害。 第二章,明清时期西北地区农业灾害的演替过程。由于受西北地区的脆弱的生态地理环境和大陆性气候影响,西北地区灾种多样。其中旱灾在西北地区发生最广、影响最重。通过对历史灾害进行类型分析,发现灾害的区域性、结构性特征明显,对农业生产的整个过程造成了严重危害。 第三章,明清时期西北地区自然灾害对农业生产的影响。频繁的自然灾害使得西北地区农业生产结构发生变化表现在两个方面:一是种植结构发生变化,因地制宜地选种抗灾性能好的农作物和高产作物,导致农业生产结构发生相应的调整和变化。二是农牧结构发生变化,从农区和牧区分立到农牧结合。为减少灾害对农业的危害,农民选育抗灾性能好的品种进行生产。种植农作物的抗旱效果明显,作物品种呈现多样化,高产化趋势。 第四章,明清时期西北地区自然灾害对传统农村经济的影响。在农业生产过程中,面对西北地区最为严重的灾害,人们选择以扩大种植面积减少灾害的打击,使得西北地区环境恶化,植被破坏。面对旱灾、涝灾、虫灾、霜冻、雹灾等其他灾害,灾民生活困苦不堪。 第五章,明清时期西北地区自然灾害对农村社会发展的影响。土地兼并,徭役繁重,农民极度贫困;生态环境恶化,农业生产几于崩溃,土地抛荒;灾民逃亡,社会组织结构趋于瓦解;阶级、民族矛盾激化等此因灾害而使西北地区农村社会问题日益严重。

干旱半干旱地区农田灌溉节水治理模式及其绩效研究

作者： 刘涛   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 灌溉   效率   用水者协会   制度建设   自主治理  

描述： the world's resource is 6%, but the average water resource to the world's average level is just 1

全文：中国面临着严重的水短缺问题,尤其是西北干旱半干旱地区。我国淡水资源总量占全球水资源的6%,但人均占有量仅为世界平均水平的1／4、美国的1／5,在世界上名列121位,是全球13个人均水资源最贫乏的国家

干旱条件下冷型小麦的农田热量平衡及小气候特征

作者： 严菊芳   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 冷型小麦   干旱   热量平衡   小气候特征  

描述： ovement. Furthermore, analyses of adverse effects on crop growth and development can probe into the crops’ adaptability to adverse environments so as to optimize the breed selection and cultivation.

全文：,研究了干旱条件下冷型小麦的农田热量平衡及小气候特征。试验结果表明: 1.干旱条件下冷型小麦农田净辐射低于暖型小麦,午后冠顶上方0.5m和1.0m处净辐射辐照度,冷型小麦较暖型小麦分别偏低16.35