域外引种作物本土化研究

作者： 杨海莹   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 影响   域外引种作物   本土化  

描述： 目前,学术界研究中外农业科技文化交流较多,但关于域外引种作物本土化的研究几乎近于空白。对此,本文界定了域外引种作物本土化的基本概念,认为本土化就是引进的域外作物逐渐适应我国的生存环境,并且受到社会、文化诸方面的影响,而形成具有我国特色新品种的过程。本文所强调的“本土”体现出域外作物在我国的积淀及其对

全文：对我国农业生产和经济发展也产生了不可忽视的影响,不仅有利于我国缺粮问题的解决,使人口压力有所缓和,也使我国粮食结构发生了新的变化。域外引种作物本土化不但提高了人们的生活水平,而且对社会文化、意识

黄河流域史前至两汉小麦种植与推广研究

作者： 李成   来源： 西北大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 史前至两汉时期   面食加工技术   黄河流域   小麦   种植  

描述： 在中国农业史上,以黄河流域为中心的旱作农业体系曾发生过重大转变：小麦种植经过漫长的发展,最终取代粟成为北方地区的首要栽培作物。考古资料显示,小麦在黄河流域最早出现的确切时间是龙山时代,然而此后却长期在农业生产中不受重视；从西汉晚期开始,才逐渐在该地区得到了大范围推广。与此同时,小麦的社会地位也逐渐提

全文：灌溉等方面得到了较大发展,带动了黄河流域小麦栽培技术的进步；与此同时,冬小麦由于生长周期的季节性差异,在作物体系中逐渐凸显出互补性优势,使得统治者意识到其对于农业生产和社会稳定的重要性,从而推动其种植

《水经注》研究

作者： 徐中原   来源： 苏州大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 叙事散文   水经   郦道元   水经注   山水散文  

描述： rinciples of the theory" and "holistic principle", as the main study followed the principles and methods, strive to occupy a wealth of research datas, focus on first-hand information from the start, mainly from a literary perspective, but give due consideration to the geographical composition, attempts to have a more thorough and systematic study and discussion.

全文：作了初步探析。论文主要从郦道元的地理情结和学术追求、北魏后期文学的繁荣、南北朝时期地学著作的兴盛、文学意识的高涨而导致的地学著作的文学化风尚、以及山水文学的兴盛和小说文学的兴起等几个方面作了探讨

中国古代农家文化研究

作者： 熊帝兵   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农家   民生   农业史   传统文化  

描述： od of Warring States (475-221 B.C.), attracting scholars' attention and becoming one of important schools then. After Qin Dynasty, scholars determining to study agriculture carried forward good traditions of Non自is in the Period of Warring States, enriched researching contents and fields, and enabled Non自is to develop in depth. In finial, those determining to study agriculture formed a group with researching agriculture as its distinguishing feature. What the group researched included agricultural ideologies, techniques of farming and cropping, methods of operation and management, measures of fighting and preventing agricultural calamities. The whole group showed its own styles in valuing agriculture and concerning people's livelihood. And those agricultural ideologies, science and technology, methods and spirits composed Nongjia's culture, the cream of which can afford us lessons to solve today's new problems.

全文：、诗、画等不同方式记录着当时民生疾苦的状况,涉及对百姓生命的关注,对百姓负担沉重的慨叹和对百姓苦累的悲悯。实践上,为官的农家注重解决百姓生产和生活难题,站在百姓的立场上为官施政,并保障人民生活和生产

中国古代农家文化研究

作者： 熊帝兵   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农家   民生   农业史   传统文化  

描述： od of Warring States (475-221 B.C.), attracting scholars' attention and becoming one of important schools then. After Qin Dynasty, scholars determining to study agriculture carried forward good traditions of Non自is in the Period of Warring States, enriched researching contents and fields, and enabled Non自is to develop in depth. In finial, those determining to study agriculture formed a group with researching agriculture as its distinguishing feature. What the group researched included agricultural ideologies, techniques of farming and cropping, methods of operation and management, measures of fighting and preventing agricultural calamities. The whole group showed its own styles in valuing agriculture and concerning people's livelihood. And those agricultural ideologies, science and technology, methods and spirits composed Nongjia's culture, the cream of which can afford us lessons to solve today's new problems.

全文：、诗、画等不同方式记录着当时民生疾苦的状况,涉及对百姓生命的关注,对百姓负担沉重的慨叹和对百姓苦累的悲悯。实践上,为官的农家注重解决百姓生产和生活难题,站在百姓的立场上为官施政,并保障人民生活和生产

中国古代害虫观念与防治技术研究

作者： 龚光明   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 观念   防治技术   农作物害虫   中国古代  

描述： 中国古代以农立国,农业丰歉直接关乎社会稳定、人类幸福。因此,农业害虫一直受到关注,人们不断探索、总结其规律及应对措施。在生产实践中,害虫观念、防治技术在继承的基础上不断发展与更新。不同时期害虫观念的变化对防治政策的制定及防治技术的实施产生深远影响。 古代农业害虫以蝗、螟、好蚄及未知名害虫为主,次数依

全文：认为天是无意识的客观存在,不会对人事有所反应,各种祥瑞、灾异都是自然而然,害虫也如此,反对灾异谴告说。汉人认识到害虫发生需要一定的温湿条件,有其自身的规律。已开始遣使捕蝗,并采取激励措施。除适时播种

体验经济背景下基于市场的秦岭北麓观光农业园开发研究

作者： 宋秀云   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 秦岭北麓   客源市场   观光农业园   体验经济  

描述： 观光农业是农业和旅游业的结合,它的出现对一直被“三农问题”困扰的我国来讲犹如拨开浓雾见彩虹,既可以完善农业生产功能,又扩展了旅游领域;既提高了人们的生活水平,又维护了良好的生态环境。因此,自其兴起,便以前所未有的速度在我国迅速发展开来。但随着资源开发和经济发展,如何改善生态环境,维持社会经济的发展成

全文：北麓观光农业的发展提供了思路。 本文通过研究得出如下主要结论: (1)本文认为观光农业园是以开发具有旅游价值的农业资源和农业产品为前提,以乡村的独特景观和农业活动为吸引物,以城市居民为主要客源市场,以满足

两汉农民生活研究

作者： 陈冬仿   来源： 郑州大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 生活   人际关系   国家认同   聚落形态   精神文化   生产活动   两汉   农民  

描述： 汉代社会以农耕文明为基础，农民人口是社会的主体，农民生活形态具有鲜明的时代特色。本文重点探讨两汉农民居住场所、生产活动、人际交往、政治及精神文化等生活状况，力求勾勒出那个时代农民生活动态和立体的画卷。 根据地形、气候等自然条件不同，两汉乡村聚落形式和建筑结构呈现出多样化特征，经过人为规划的聚落和自然

全文：基础性地位。在儒家纲常礼教的影响下，父子关系、兄弟关系及夫妻关系为主的农民家庭成员间的联系与互动，从西汉中期以前的基于自然情感下相对平等的关系逐渐趋于不平等的从属关系。随着农民宗族血缘意识的增强，宗族成员

先秦诸子经济思想的生态阐释

作者： 赵麦茹   来源： 西北大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 启迪   生态阐释   先秦诸子   经济思想  

描述： 全球性的生态危机使人类对于环境问题和生态问题的关注空前加强，为了寻找解决这一问题的途径与方法，人类对于传统经济增长方式、西方自然观、逻辑思维与认知世界的行为等方面的范式进行了深刻的反思，环境伦理学、生态经济学等学科应运而生。伴随着这一过程的还有当代学者(特别是西方学者)对于中国传统文化中所包含的生态

全文：众多学者的肯定，但比较遗憾的是，到目前为止，还没有学者意识到先秦诸子的经济思想中也包含着丰富的生态因子。这样一来，一方面，在全球性生态危机之大前提下人类很有必要从生态角度对于包括先秦诸子

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：关照实行该制度的共同体的整个生命历程,这样才能理清该制度的来龙去脉,了解其基本形态。关于皇帝在明代国家财政体系中的权力问题,以往研究有夸大的倾向。有明一代,国家公共财政收支与皇室收支明显呈逐步分离的趋势