灾害与应对

作者： 张健   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 安康地区   清代   自然灾害   应对措施  

描述： significance.

全文：发(水灾为主)。 第四章主讲灾害的应对。整体内容以灾害的主要应对措施为中心展开。就灾后救荒而言,清代安康地区拯灾救荒的基本程序主要有报灾、勘灾、审户、赈济等环节;主要措施包括抚恤、蠲免、缓征、赈济

民国时期甘肃灾荒研究

作者： 杨洪远   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 绝对贫困   甘肃   民国时期   灾荒   社会保障  

描述： 灾荒是影响中国历史社会发展进程的重要问题。直到今天它依然困扰着经济和社会的协调发展。目前关于灾荒史的研究已相当多,但是对甘肃在民国时期的灾荒却没有一个整体上的研究,本文尽力去填补这方面的空白。其次笔者认为灾荒发生的主要原因是绝对贫困,因此本文从分析导致甘肃民国时期绝对贫困的各种因素来考察民国时期的甘

全文：甘肃地区对灾荒的社会保障措施。这一部分主要探讨了政府和民间在民国时期甘肃严重灾荒中的社会保障措施。无论是北洋政府还是南京国民政府,由于种种因素,往往无力赈灾或者对灾民的赈济行动严重投入不足,而民间也是

民国时期青海自然灾害与社会应对

作者： 袁瑞   来源： 青海师范大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 社会应对   自然灾害   民国时期   青海  

描述： 由于所处地理位置的特殊性，自古以来青海就是一个自然灾害不断的地区。民国时期干旱、洪涝、雹灾、雪灾、地震等自然灾害更是频繁发生。这些灾害给民众带来了沉重的灾难，并给这一时期青海社会经济的发展带来了极大的影响。本文以民国时期青海自然灾害与社会应对为研究对象，结合史料，对这一时期自然灾害的类型及其特点、灾

全文：措施以及应灾成效。预灾措施，包括仓储建设、兴修水利、植树造林和鼓励农垦；应灾措施包括报勘灾情，官方的赈济、蠲免、借贷、安辑、除害等救灾措施；民间自救。这一时期，政府仍是赈灾的主导力量。此外，笔者对社会

陕甘宁边区灾荒研究(1937—1947)

作者： 冯圣兵   来源： 华中师范大学 年份： 2001 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 评价   救治   陕甘宁边区   灾荒  

描述： 本文按照《中国救荒史》的体例，运用丰富的第一手资料，在对陕甘宁边区前 十年间的灾荒概况、特点、成因和救治思想、救灾组织、救济工作程序以及救治措 施进行深入介绍和分析的基础上，借鉴灾害社会学的理论和比较的方法，对其救治 成效给予客观的评价。从而揭示中共领导边区渡过严重灾荒的主客观原因，并为现 实社会的

全文：办 法，还推陈出新，创造和运用了不少富有特色的举措。其中，赈济、互济、安置移 难民等治标措施和加强农业生产，增加粮棉产量、减轻人民负担，增加人民积蓄、 兴建义仓，加强粮食储备等治本措施颇有成效。 边区

清代乾隆时期自然灾害与荒政研究

作者： 张祥稳   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 乾隆时期   康乾盛世   自然灾害   灾害史   荒政  

描述： “自古圣王之世，水旱之灾亦时有之”。康乾盛世时期的乾隆朝也不例外，它是我国历史上自然灾害的多发期之一。乾隆朝60年间，自然灾害的种类多，发生的频率高，被及的范围广，涉及的人口多，产生的危害大。面对频仍的自然灾害，乾隆在发出“灾民实可怜”叹息的同时，命令大小官吏，要把民饥民困视作己饥己困，务必以拯灾恤

全文：，到清初顺康雍时期，救荒的基本程序包括报灾、勘灾、审户扣给赈，主要措施包括蠲免、抚恤、赈济、借贷、缓征、平粜、安辑流民等，地方主要是通过常平仓、社仓、义仓等积谷备荒。乾隆时期，拯灾救荒的基本程序与康雍

中国古代农业灾害防减体系研究

作者： 邵侃   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农业灾害史   农业灾荒文献   减灾技术   灾荒赈救   灾害预防  

描述： n the 1920s when China was called “the Land of Famine” by an American relief worker, the phrase immediately gained currency.

全文：的大小,历代政府均积极加强以“荒政”为主体的灾荒赈救体系建设;贵族官吏、富商大户、宗族、宗教等有一定社会地位和经济实力的民间力量,通过赈济钱粮、施医济药等多元化的方式救荒济民,在很大程度上有效填补了政府

中国古代农业灾害防减体系研究

作者： 邵侃   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农业灾害史   农业灾荒文献   减灾技术   灾荒赈救   灾害预防  

描述： n the 1920s when China was called “the Land of Famine” by an American relief worker, the phrase immediately gained currency.

全文：的大小,历代政府均积极加强以“荒政”为主体的灾荒赈救体系建设;贵族官吏、富商大户、宗族、宗教等有一定社会地位和经济实力的民间力量,通过赈济钱粮、施医济药等多元化的方式救荒济民,在很大程度上有效填补了政府

中国古代农业灾害防减体系研究

作者： 邵侃   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农业灾害史   农业灾荒文献   减灾技术   灾荒赈救   灾害预防  

描述： n the 1920s when China was called “the Land of Famine” by an American relief worker, the phrase immediately gained currency.

全文：的大小,历代政府均积极加强以“荒政”为主体的灾荒赈救体系建设;贵族官吏、富商大户、宗族、宗教等有一定社会地位和经济实力的民间力量,通过赈济钱粮、施医济药等多元化的方式救荒济民,在很大程度上有效填补了政府

宋朝宣抚使制度研究

作者： 郑丽萍   来源： 河北大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 中央集权   地方军政   行政制度   宋朝   宣抚使  

描述： as the top power in local areas.Famous politician and prime minister in feudal China Li Gang once said,“From the forefather，Xuan Fu was the most important position which can be held by current archon."

全文：效地阻止了蒙元军队的进攻长达四十余年。而宣抚使对辖区民众的安抚、赈济、治安维护有效地减轻了人民的疾苦,对社会稳定具有积极意义。其所拥有的人事任免权、科举选士权,为宋代政府招揽了一批有为官僚和人才。当然

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：库的财政开支类项主要包括在京开支、国家军事及地方赈济等,其中最重要的是发往北边军镇的年例银。太仓库年例银起源于京运年例银,并被长久视为京运年例银的一部分。北边军镇的京运年例银在正统年间就已经出现。在