甘肃中东部旱作农业区气候变化特征及其对农业生产的影响

作者： 刘艳艳   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农业生产   气候变化   生育期   甘肃中东部旱作农业区  

描述： ogical characteristics of the crops and people’s production and business activities, largely dominated by light, heat, water, gas and other climatic factors.

全文：、庆阳旱作农业区为研究对象,利用小波分析、kriging空间插值、曼-肯德尔(Mann-Kendall)趋势分析及突变分析等方法,分析了研究区内农业气候资源(包括光、热、水、风资源)的现状、变化趋势、空间

灾害与应对

作者： 张健   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 安康地区   清代   自然灾害   应对措施  

描述： significance.

全文：水利设施方面,灌溉设施是随着历史变迁不断发展变化的,主要表现为:超过一两千亩以上的大中型水利设施持续发挥作用;与“流民”涌入而引发“垦殖扩张”相对一致,以灌溉、御水为功能的水利设施在数量上不断增长;山区灌溉“堤堰”的建造呈现出“型号趋小与数量增多”的趋势。

敦煌吐鲁番出土遗嘱探析

作者： 李畅   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 吐鲁番   敦煌   遗嘱   内容  

描述： itnesses. The content of the wills unearthed from

全文：律形式来保障遗嘱的执行;第三层是遗嘱当事人的研究。在这一层里又将当事人细分为三小层进行研究,即:立遗嘱人、继承人以及证人研究。通过列表分析可以看出:立嘱人一般都是家庭中的男性家长以及僧尼这类出家人;世俗

构件视角的秦简牍文和楚简帛文构形差异比较研究

作者： 楼兰   来源： 华东师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 比较   楚简帛文   特異構件   秦简牘文  

描述： At this

全文：表明：第一，在不重複字形層面，秦簡牘文和楚簡帛文特異構件影響力不大，二者構形差異度小，而在文獻用字層面更是如此。第二，在結構功能層面，秦簡牘文和楚簡帛文特異構件都比較側重於表音構件系統；而相較秦簡牘文

渭北旱原地膜小麦肥水规律与技术决策研究

作者： 任广鑫   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2001 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 渭北旱原   栽培技术   地膜小麦   施肥模型  

描述： 论文题目：渭北旱原地膜小麦肥水规律与技术决策研究 作者简介：任广鑫，男，1969年生，1998年从师于杨改河教授，于2001年毕业于生态学专业并获理学硕士学位。 渭北旱原是陕西省农业生产发展潜力最大的中产区，也是重要的畜产品、果品基地和能源化工基地。该区水资源缺乏，农业基础设施比较薄弱，产业化程度不

全文：的中产区，也是重要的畜产品、果品基地和能源化工基地。该区水资源缺乏，农业基础设施比较薄弱，产业化程度不高，农民人均收入较低。该区冬小麦常年种植面积占陕西省小麦总面积的1/3，由于水分限制使光温生产潜力

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：,太仓库岁入额通常仅指太仓库额定收入款项内得到的财政收入,也就是其正赋,户部在其正赋之外通过挪借等手段从其他财政体系中所得到的款项通常被算入岁支银额中,而不被算入岁入银额中。再者,太仓库发展的重要促动

区域农业观光旅游资源开发潜力评价体系理论构建与实践

作者： 杨晓美   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 发展潜力   多层次灰色评价   秦岭北麓   区域农业旅游资源  

描述： opment of agricultural tourism and to obtain economic, social and environmental benefits of the measure of potential, but also for the effective protection and rational exploitation of its resources of great significance.

全文：对评价结果的分析运用,将秦岭北麓15个区县划分为不同的发展区域,并根据发展区域的不同特点对西安市、宝鸡市和渭南市三市的农业旅游区提出发展策略。 本文得出如下主要结论: (1)区域农业旅游资源开发潜力

体验经济背景下基于市场的秦岭北麓观光农业园开发研究

作者： 宋秀云   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 秦岭北麓   客源市场   观光农业园   体验经济  

描述： 观光农业是农业和旅游业的结合,它的出现对一直被“三农问题”困扰的我国来讲犹如拨开浓雾见彩虹,既可以完善农业生产功能,又扩展了旅游领域;既提高了人们的生活水平,又维护了良好的生态环境。因此,自其兴起,便以前所未有的速度在我国迅速发展开来。但随着资源开发和经济发展,如何改善生态环境,维持社会经济的发展成

全文：北麓观光农业的发展提供了思路。 本文通过研究得出如下主要结论: (1)本文认为观光农业园是以开发具有旅游价值的农业资源和农业产品为前提,以乡村的独特景观和农业活动为吸引物,以城市居民为主要客源市场,以满足

两汉农民生活研究

作者： 陈冬仿   来源： 郑州大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 生活   人际关系   国家认同   聚落形态   精神文化   生产活动   两汉   农民  

描述： 汉代社会以农耕文明为基础，农民人口是社会的主体，农民生活形态具有鲜明的时代特色。本文重点探讨两汉农民居住场所、生产活动、人际交往、政治及精神文化等生活状况，力求勾勒出那个时代农民生活动态和立体的画卷。 根据地形、气候等自然条件不同，两汉乡村聚落形式和建筑结构呈现出多样化特征，经过人为规划的聚落和自然

全文：生活形态是对由农耕文化所形成的安土重迁特性的一种最好诠释。通过对两汉农民生活“小世界”的窥探，不仅可以引领我们去感知那份厚重的乡土人情，促使我们对今天生活在农村中的农民及其生活作出一定的反思和思考，同时也可更深入了解人们生活方面的渊源关系及中国农耕传统文化的深刻内涵。

渭河流域旱涝灾害研究

作者： 段文明   来源： 中国科学院研究生院(教育部水土保持与生态环境研究中心) 年份： 2012 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 旱涝时空分布   旱涝事件   气候变化   渭河流域  

描述： 渭河流域是中华文明的发祥地，涉及甘肃、宁夏、陕西三省（区）。地处黄土高原南缘，秦岭北麓，属大陆性季风气候区、干旱地区和湿润地区的过渡地带。春暖干旱，夏季热而多雨但有伏旱，秋凉湿润，冬季干燥寒冷雨雪稀少。流域自然生态系统脆弱，对气候变化的反应敏感，抵御自然变化能力差。旱涝灾害是渭河流域主要的气象灾害，

全文：渭河流域旱涝演变趋势及旱涝时空分布特征，研究旱涝与气候变化关系及旱涝灾害事件。主要的研究进展如下： 1.渭河流域近540年旱涝等级演变规律： 在世纪尺度的干湿类型上，渭河流域15世纪末、16世纪属干旱