花儿的文学性与音乐性关系及传承研究

作者： 周亮   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 文学性   关系   传承   花儿   音乐性  

描述： The thesis consists of an introduction and the text. with Huaer's Research correlation historical data.

全文：兼有多民族文化交流与情感共融的深刻内涵,是解读中国西北地区特定社会及群体的特殊文本,体现出花儿作为非物质文化遗产所具有的唯一性和不可替代性。进而着力指出花儿在现代社会出现的变异和生存危机、以及花儿研究

隋唐时期青海草原战争与生态环境研究

作者： 来霞霞   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 生态环境   吐谷浑   吐蕃   青海草原  

描述： t Territories distributed a few mature Minority forces,for example: TuYuhun, Tibet, Party items.

全文：。 中国古代社会发展带有一定的周期性,对这种周期性影响很大的因素便是生态环境被破坏-恢复这个周期。以战争为直接动力,完成“生态移民”后,人们在一个新的社会组织体系和自然环境中获得生存和发展。人口迅速膨胀

清代灾荒救济法制研究

作者： 郑庐   来源： 中国政法大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 清代   立法效果   灾荒救济法制   荒政  

描述： 荒政在我国历史悠久,是封建时期国家行政的一个重要方面。历来研究荒政史和荒政制度的著作有很多,但迄今为止专门研究荒政制度中的法律制度的学术成果寥寥无几。笔者认为对保障各项赈灾救荒措施得以施行的灾荒救济法制,有必要给予足够的重视并加以研究。 本文的研究重点是清代灾荒救济法制,之所以选择清代进行研究,概因

全文：朝代的荒政立法成就并有所发展,研究清代即可窥见整个中国封建时代荒政立法的特征和面貌。可以说清代各项救灾措施乃至防灾减灾设施的使用管理皆有法可依,如遇灾荒,各级政府和官员仅需按照法律规定的程序和事项展开

唐宋隐逸词史论

作者： 徐拥军   来源： 苏州大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 和战之争   清空说   党争   心路历程   唐宋词   隐逸  

描述： reclusion in "The Book of Odes", the earliest Chinese poetries .Hereafter, reclusion has become an

全文：隐逸与文学的结缘最早可追溯到春秋战国时代,中国最早的诗歌总集《诗经》里便有几首写到隐逸的作品,此后,隐逸成为历代文人抒写的重要题材。隐逸与词的结合在早期的敦煌词中就已出现,中唐时在文人词体制确立

临夏砖雕艺术

作者： 张伯智   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2005 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 临夏砖雕   画像砖   镂空雕   河州砖雕   门罩   小麦加   浅浮雕   线雕   真教寺   伊斯兰文化  

描述： 临夏回族自治州地处甘肃省西南部,素有“小麦加”之称,秦汉以来历为丝绸之路要道,伊斯兰文化和穆期林风情独具特色。临夏砖雕,又称河州砖雕,更是民族特色浓厚、深受回族人民喜爱的民间艺术奇葩。 砖雕是我国独特的建筑雕刻艺术,发展源远流长,至少已有两千多年的历史。在不同的历史发展阶段中的砖雕,各自呈现出不同的

全文：独特的建筑雕刻艺术,发展源远流长,至少已有两千多年的历史。在不同的历史发展阶段中的砖雕,各自呈现出不同的工艺手法和风格特点。区域文化和多民族文化的个性特征也反映于砖雕艺术中,形成了中国砖雕艺术博大精深

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：,太仓库与北边军镇开支的财政关系也就此得到进一步强化。 总之,明代财政制度是随着时间发展和相应而来的不同因素对比的变化而不断变化的,从来没有凝固在一种定式上。明代财政史乃至中国古代制度史的研究应当

我国农村微型金融服务及风险防范研究

作者： 刘星   来源： 西南财经大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农村经济   微型金融服务   风险控制   农村金融  

描述： Finance is the core of modern economy. Economy determines finance and finance counter-react to economy. Keeping a virtuous cycle between economic

全文：的基础上,结合我国农村金融风险的现状,探讨农村微型服务的风险防范和安全体系,具有重要的理论和实践意义。 1、论文的主要内容 全文分为前言和正文两个部分。前言部分首先阐述了论文选题的国内外背景和研究意义

性别语境中的土族民间叙事研究

作者： 白晓霞   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 性别语境   民间叙事   土族  

描述： lk narratives in the gender context is performed. The term "gender context" refers to a cultural context that is closely linked with the "social gender".

全文：典型的中国传统乡村经济伦理。所以，土族女性的个我发展与思想变化都呈现出了与汉族地区女性发展问题不同的特点。简单地来说，八十年代土族女性的发展是一种裂变式地发展，即女性一方面不得不中规中矩地守望着传统

文化认同与文化控制：秦汉民间信仰研究

作者： 李秋香   来源： 河南大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 文化控制   文化认同   功能变迁   秦汉   民间信仰  

描述： le's understanding and regarding for the universe and the life at that time.

全文：秦汉时期的民间信仰,作为秦汉文化史的重要组成部分,反映了当时民众对于宇宙和人生的理解及认识。对它进行深入研究,对于我们全面理解中国传统文化,具有民俗学、文化史、思想史、社会史和地域文化史等多方面

两汉农民生活研究

作者： 陈冬仿   来源： 郑州大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 生活   人际关系   国家认同   聚落形态   精神文化   生产活动   两汉   农民  

描述： 汉代社会以农耕文明为基础，农民人口是社会的主体，农民生活形态具有鲜明的时代特色。本文重点探讨两汉农民居住场所、生产活动、人际交往、政治及精神文化等生活状况，力求勾勒出那个时代农民生活动态和立体的画卷。 根据地形、气候等自然条件不同，两汉乡村聚落形式和建筑结构呈现出多样化特征，经过人为规划的聚落和自然

全文：生活形态是对由农耕文化所形成的安土重迁特性的一种最好诠释。通过对两汉农民生活“小世界”的窥探，不仅可以引领我们去感知那份厚重的乡土人情，促使我们对今天生活在农村中的农民及其生活作出一定的反思和思考，同时也可更深入了解人们生活方面的渊源关系及中国农耕传统文化的深刻内涵。