明清医学专科目录研究

作者： 张晓丽   来源： 安徽大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 专科目录   医学   明清   文献价值  

描述： medical books. The medical literatures was very abundance in ancient China ,it were noted in the synthesis ogue.

全文：阐述曹禾与《医学读书志》的编撰及目录文献价值,主要研究《医学读书志》著录提要方面的特色,提要记述作者事迹,考辨诸医书源流,记述作者事迹,评论其书,颇有价值。第四章阐述晚清凌奂著《医学薪传》的编撰、分类

中国道教农业史——农业思想初探

作者： 赵文杰   来源： 山东大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农学   道家   农业   道教   思想  

描述： he civilization of agriculture of China has a long history.

全文：地表示了道教对于农业的重视。虽然其中内容多似《吕氏春秋》中的农学理论,但也不乏道教学者的独到理解和发挥。五代道士谭峭《化书》中的“食化”篇,延承《太平经》中“三急”学说,进一步论证了衣食作为生存之根本

《救荒本草》的通俗性实用性和科学性

作者： 周启基   来源： 中国农史 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 野生植物   苦苣菜   版本情况   食伤   十二经脉   植物学特性   《救荒本草》   中国植物志   慢性关节炎   实枣儿  

描述： 《救荒本草》是我国历史上第一部以救荒为宗旨的农书和植物学专著。作者朱橚?醢嬗诿鞔览炙哪?1406年)。距今已有近六百年的历史。在它的影响下,明、清代先后有十部救荒专著问世,这些书大量摘引《救荒本草

周秦汉晋时期农业灾害和农业减灾方略研究

作者： 卜风贤   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2001 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 周秦汉晋   减灾方略   农业灾害   历史研究  

描述： 农业灾害的历史与农业生产的发展相始终。在古代社会，中国农业灾害频繁发生，对农业生产和国民经济造成严重危害和破坏。在现代灾害学昌兴的新的历史形势下，农业灾害史的研究需要汲取灾害学的理论成果，重新审视古代灾害的发生发展及农业减灾的措施和成效。为此，本文研究了周秦汉晋时期的农业灾害和农业减灾方略。全文由三

全文：灾害的成因、历史农业灾害发生演变规律、历代抗灾救荒措施、古代荒政制度、救荒书与救荒思想等方面论述了灾害史研究的学术历程，总结了灾害史研究所取得的成就，分析了其中存在的问题，提出了解决问题的方案和办法

从劝农文看宋朝乡村社会问题

作者： 于芹   来源： 西南大学 年份： 2012 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 劝农文   宋朝乡村   社会问题  

描述： 近年来伴随研究视角的转变,越来越多的学者在“自下而上”的历史观指导下,越来越多的关注历史和现实中的农村、农业和农民等“三农”问题。宋朝是中国古代社会的重要转型期,这一时期的商品经济得到了空前发展,特别是城市商品经济的发展,对乡村社会中的人、财、物产生了抽离作用,进而影响到了乡村社会经济的发展以及乡村

全文：》《明公书判清明集》等史料并结合已有研究,对宋朝乡村社会问题加以力所能及的探讨,试图通过解读“劝农文”中的相关信息,对宋朝乡村社会形成一个较为全面、系统而又准确的认识,进而解读在商品经济大潮冲击下的宋朝

先秦儒家思想的生态学启示

作者： 付智强   来源： 长江大学 年份： 2012 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 荀子   周易   论语   孟子   生态  

描述： 中国历史上经历了三大黄金时期,春秋晚期到西汉的四百年间是中国历史的第一个黄金时期,也称为“大黄金时期”。这一时期,各诸侯国之间的兼并战争不断深化并逐渐向大一统迈进。这一时期社会处于大变革时期,各种思想争芳斗艳、交相辉映,形成了思想史上“百家争鸣”的局面。《汉书·艺文志·诸子略》载：“诸子十家,其可观

全文：论证了孔子对于人与自然和谐相处的向往。最后还表达出了对“生”的重视,既重视自然界中的生命,又赞美了大自然的“生生不息”之功。 第三章主要探讨了《孟子》一书的生态学启示。孟子是子思的学生,而子思又是孔子

神话与历史：大禹传说研究

作者： 杨栋   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 夏文化   神话与历史   大禹   古史辨派   大禹文化   大禹传说  

描述： by human and god. What is more important, Dayu spirit and culture due to him have a immeasurable effect on the formation process of Chinese civilization, on the political awareness of feudal state, on the lower-level life of the common people, and on the aesthetic culture of literature and art.

全文：文本叙事,它既表现出非逻辑性的“非叙述”性特点,又具有神圣叙事的原型编码性质；作为一种文化记忆,其演变与发展又打上了时代的烙印。鉴于此,本文对大禹传说主要作三方面解读： 1.历史考证——大禹传说中

清代乾隆时期自然灾害与荒政研究

作者： 张祥稳   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 乾隆时期   康乾盛世   自然灾害   灾害史   荒政  

描述： “自古圣王之世，水旱之灾亦时有之”。康乾盛世时期的乾隆朝也不例外，它是我国历史上自然灾害的多发期之一。乾隆朝60年间，自然灾害的种类多，发生的频率高，被及的范围广，涉及的人口多，产生的危害大。面对频仍的自然灾害，乾隆在发出“灾民实可怜”叹息的同时，命令大小官吏，要把民饥民困视作己饥己困，务必以拯灾恤

全文：，到清初顺康雍时期，救荒的基本程序包括报灾、勘灾、审户扣给赈，主要措施包括蠲免、抚恤、赈济、借贷、缓征、平粜、安辑流民等，地方主要是通过常平仓、社仓、义仓等积谷备荒。乾隆时期，拯灾救荒的基本程序与康雍

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：将之作为研究整个有明一代太仓库发展、演变以及不同时期地位作用变化的核心文献。同时,本文利用各朝制书,如洪武时期《诸司职掌》、正德《明会典》、万历《明会典》、万历《太仓考》以及《万历会计录》等文献,对太仓