明清时期巢湖流域农业发展研究

作者： 陈恩虎   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农业经济   农业发展   明清   巢湖流域  

描述： 区域农业经济研究是目前经济史研究的热门课题,至今已有许多成果问世。相对而言,巢湖流域农业经济的研究较为滞后,并且研究领域和成果比较分散,尚未形成全面、系统的研究体系,其主要原因应当是学术界常常会以明清时代的巢湖流域与全国其他区域相比不具备“典型性”为由,漠视了对巢湖流域的经济研究。因此,努力填补明清

全文：中的比较法,分析巢湖流域与安徽省其它区域、本地区前后期的关系、异同和兴衰。选题研究的主干性材料为地方志、家谱一类的地方文献,并充分发掘现存的文书资料,对《徽州千年契约文书·清民国编》第1卷和第2卷收

清代乾隆时期自然灾害与荒政研究

作者： 张祥稳   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 乾隆时期   康乾盛世   自然灾害   灾害史   荒政  

描述： “自古圣王之世，水旱之灾亦时有之”。康乾盛世时期的乾隆朝也不例外，它是我国历史上自然灾害的多发期之一。乾隆朝60年间，自然灾害的种类多，发生的频率高，被及的范围广，涉及的人口多，产生的危害大。面对频仍的自然灾害，乾隆在发出“灾民实可怜”叹息的同时，命令大小官吏，要把民饥民困视作己饥己困，务必以拯灾恤

全文：为因素；另一方面，乾隆时期的荒政不论是在当时，还是对于后世，都产生了重大和深远的影响，对我们今后的防灾、救灾和抗灾工作无疑也有积极的借鉴作用。同时，对于康乾盛世衰落的原因，史学界一直忽略了自然灾害、荒政这

西部农业现代化演进过程及机理研究

作者： 姜松   来源： 西南大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 西部农业现代化   演进过程   机理解析   差异性  

描述： 本文是关于西部农业现代化演进过程及机理的实证研究。西部农业现代化滞后性问题长期困扰其经济、社会协调与可持续发展。尤其在“四化”同步时代背景下,西部农业现代化演进不仅整体脱节,而且在某些局部地区出现严重反差,反映了西部农业现代化演进过程的特殊性与复杂性。本研究关键问题是：西部农业现代化演进过程有何不同

全文：结果比较揭示西部农业现代化演进差异性的影响因子。 ⑥西部农业现代化演进机理解析。基于影响因子作用方向,将西部农业现代化演进机理层次细分为动力机制、约束机制及保障机制三层面,以此全方位解析西部农业现代化

中国农业伦理问题研究

作者： 方金   来源： 山东农业大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农业政策伦理   农业环境与资源伦理   农业伦理   伦理型农业体系   农产品生产与交易伦理  

描述： 农业是国民经济的基础,三农问题一直是党和国家十分重视的重大问题。改革开放以来,我国农村政策有了很大调整,农村经济得到了快速发展,农产品的生产和交易空前繁荣,农业新技术日新月异,农村面貌和农民生活有了很大改善。然而,在这些重大变化的同时,农业领域以及农产品生产与交易过程中也出现了许多问题,比如:生物技

全文：伦理学的角度探讨农产品生产与交易过程中的伦理问题,并就伦理型农业生产和农产品交易战略的构建进行了研究。最后,对我国更加公正和合乎伦理的农业体系构建提出了初步设想。 本文的主要研究内容和结论如下: 1

神话与历史：大禹传说研究

作者： 杨栋   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 夏文化   神话与历史   大禹   古史辨派   大禹文化   大禹传说  

描述： by human and god. What is more important, Dayu spirit and culture due to him have a immeasurable effect on the formation process of Chinese civilization, on the political awareness of feudal state, on the lower-level life of the common people, and on the aesthetic culture of literature and art.

全文：文本叙事,它既表现出非逻辑性的“非叙述”性特点,又具有神圣叙事的原型编码性质；作为一种文化记忆,其演变与发展又打上了时代的烙印。鉴于此,本文对大禹传说主要作三方面解读： 1.历史考证——大禹传说中

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：将之作为研究整个有明一代太仓库发展、演变以及不同时期地位作用变化的核心文献。同时,本文利用各朝制书,如洪武时期《诸司职掌》、正德《明会典》、万历《明会典》、万历《太仓考》以及《万历会计录》等文献,对太仓

干旱半干旱地区农田灌溉节水治理模式及其绩效研究

作者： 刘涛   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 灌溉   效率   用水者协会   制度建设   自主治理  

描述： the world's resource is 6%, but the average water resource to the world's average level is just 1

全文：中国面临着严重的水短缺问题,尤其是西北干旱半干旱地区。我国淡水资源总量占全球水资源的6%,但人均占有量仅为世界平均水平的1／4、美国的1／5,在世界上名列121位,是全球13个人均水资源最贫乏的国家

马疏及“日损益斋”诗文研究

作者： 王忠禄   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 马疏   农事诗   唱和诗   陇右地域文化   陇右文学精神   日损益斋古文   陇右文学   日损益斋古今体诗   题画诗  

描述： e points about studying of Longyou area literature.

全文：： 其一,文学体裁单一,但诗歌成就突出。清代中叶,社会进入全面繁盛时期。这时候,统治者对表现盛世气象有更加明确的要求,儒家注重诗歌政教作用的传统得到统治者的进一步提倡。[1]所以,相较于其他样式的作品