宋代香药业经济研究

作者： 夏时华   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2012 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 香药贸易   宋代   政府香药经营   香药消费   民间香药经营  

描述： 宋代香药进口贸易、贩运、加工生产、销售,直至香药消费,已形成一个重要的香药业经济。本文从宋代香药朝贡贸易和民间海外香药贸易、政府对香药的禁榷经营、民间香药销售和生产加工经营、香药业与其他产业的关联、宋代社会的香药消费等方面对宋代香药业经济作了考察。 在北宋前期,统治者出于树立国威的政治需求而积极鼓励

全文：到了主导的作用。但宋代政府在香药禁榷经营过程中也出现了强买强卖、经营成本费用极高和效率低下、挤占民间香药业发展空间等一些不可避免的弊病。 在宋代香药业经济中,政府实行与工商业者共利的经营机制,商人和手工业者

光绪朝（1875-1908）灾荒研究

作者： 张高臣   来源： 山东大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 近代义赈   光绪朝自然灾害   灾荒观   社会影响   荒政  

描述： cal changes took place in China. In the wars lunched against China by France, Japan and the Eight-power Allied Forces, imperial force made its way into China step by step and China was transforming itself into a semi-colonial, semi-feudal society.

全文：丛生、灾害发生后饥荒严重等现象,表明当时看似完整有效的荒政机制实质已处于失控状态。造成这种失控的主要原因在于：其一,中央集权的政治权力日渐衰微,封建朝廷再也无法利用自身的政治权威组织起全社会的力量进行

光绪朝（1875-1908）灾荒研究

作者： 张高臣   来源： 山东大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 近代义赈   灾荒观   光绪朝自然灾害   社会影响   荒政  

描述： 光绪朝34年间,正处在中国封建统治崩溃的前夜,是中国社会发生剧烈变动的一个时期：通过中法战争、中日战争和八国联军侵华战争,帝国主义的势力步步深入,中国社会迅速向着半殖民地半封建的性质转化。伴随着民族危机的加深和清王朝封建统治的日暮穷途,中国社会内部相继发生了洋务运动、维新变法运动、义和团运动和辛亥革

全文：丛生、灾害发生后饥荒严重等现象,表明当时看似完整有效的荒政机制实质已处于失控状态。造成这种失控的主要原因在于：其一,中央集权的政治权力日渐衰微,封建朝廷再也无法利用自身的政治权威组织起全社会的力量进行

人与制度的哲学研究

作者： 张志勇   来源： 中共中央党校 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 制度建构   制度变迁   制度创新   制度价值   制度  

描述： The relation between human beings and system draws great concern and attention of scholars in the latest years.

全文：工业社会和信息社会、传统社会向现代社会的转型。社会结构的调整必然带来社会深层次矛盾的凸显,社会矛盾与社会问题的解决靠的是化解这些矛盾和问题的制度机制,制度对于解决社会问题与社会矛盾具有优先性。因此,加强

黄土沟壑区不同下垫面条件对农田降雨入渗及产流关系影响的研究

作者： 宋孝玉   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2001 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 降雨入渗产流   黄土沟壑区   不同下垫面   数值模拟   农田  

描述： 水土资源短缺和生态环境恶化已成为全世界普遍关注的严重问题，这使人们认识到节约用水和保护环境的重要性。为确保粮食安全和生态环境良性发展，必须加强农田水土资源的管理和生态系统重建的研究，处理好水资源利用和生态重建之间的关系，大力推广节水灌溉技术和雨水资源利用技术，以水资源作为主要约束条件，调整农业产业结

全文：入渗、产流规律，进而探求人工调控的方式和机制、增加入渗和土壤蓄水、减少径流和土壤侵蚀，为有针对性地防止水土流失，充分合理地利用当地雨水资源发展农业生产，改善生态环境提供科学依据。基于上述研究背景，本文

中国古代粮食安全问题研究

作者： 吴宾   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 古代粮食安全   粮食流通、粮食仓储   农业生产   粮食政策  

描述： 粮食安全关系国家安全和社会稳定,不仅是政治问题,也是经济问题。在传统农业社会中,历朝历代无不把粮食问题摆在治国安邦的重要位置,有“洪范八政,食为政首”之称,并在全社会形成了重农重储的观念和风尚。封建王朝从意识形态、农业生产、粮食仓储、流通、政策等领域加强粮食的供应和保障,积累和形成了相当丰富的有关粮

全文：为基础,强化抗灾救荒的能力;以漕运和民间贩运为粮食流通手段,调剂余缺,平衡价格;以粮食为中心的政策构建了粮食的保障机制。 第三,研究古代粮食生产安全问题,总结了历代农业生产发展的状况,考察了历代粮食亩产量

石羊河流域作物气候生产潜力及灌溉对策的研究

作者： 孙世坤   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： GIS   气候生产潜力   灌溉需水量   对策   CROPWAT  

描述： be given when fully and rational use of local climatic resources such as solar radiation, heat and water, while other conditions (such as soil fertility, carbon dioxide concentration, cultivation level etc.)

全文：“机制法”的原理,按照对作物生产潜力进行光合、温度、水分逐级“衰减”的过程,分别估算了石羊河流域春小麦、玉米的光合生产潜力、光温生产潜力和气候生产潜力。利用GIS软件将春小麦及玉米的光合、光温、气候

我国农产品品牌建设：理论与实践

作者： 张可成   来源： 山东农业大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 品牌建设流程   品牌建设要素   农产品品牌   建设实践  

描述： Agricultural products are not only the main commodities for human life but also the commodities with strong concealment of quality.

全文：)如下: 1、农产品品牌建设一般分析。笔者认为:(1)西方的“Brand”不等于中国的“品牌”。中国“品牌”的概念应该是西方“Brand”加上“Quality”的总和。(2)农产品品牌有广义和狭义之分

元代农书农业词汇研究

作者： 曾令香   来源： 山东师范大学 年份： 2012 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 语义语法   农业词汇   隐喻认知   元代农书  

描述： 元朝是古代农学史上一个非常重要的时期，由于社会、政治的变动，统治者的劝农政策，以及文人自身的原因等，元朝出现了大量的农学著作，是农书发展历程中的一个高峰期，但大多数农书都失传了。保存至今比较完备的有三大农书，即《农桑辑要》、《王祯农书》和《农桑衣食撮要》，这三部农书都遵循了《齐民要术》大农业的结构框

全文：方面对它们的形成机制进行了探讨。名动词类的转变中，我们主要对农具词语从名称到功能的转变作了描述，具体分析了名动词类转变的语义和认知基础，并对名动词类转变中的突显性原则和邻近性原则做了简单介绍。 第六章

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：,进而以太仓库为中心,对明代国家财政体系运行的机制、状态,以及明代中央财政体系的基本类型特征进行系统的分析。 就参考文献而言,《明实录》记事通贯明代始终,是涵盖太仓库运作全过程的一套最成体系的史料,本文