黑河流域水资源优化配置研究

作者： 李小琴   来源： 西安理工大学 年份： 2005 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 优化配置   评价   可持续利用   水资源   黑河流域   承载力  

描述： 在分析了黑河流域水资源开发利用现状的基础上,指出了目 前黑河流域水资源开发利用中存在的问题,综述了国内

全文：在分析了黑河流域水资源开发利用现状的基础上,指出了目 前黑河流域水资源开发利用中存在的问题,综述了国内外水资源优化配 置的研究进展,收集、整理并分析了大量黑河流域社会、经济、生态环 境等与水资源优化

宁夏黄土高原马铃薯连作及间作栽培对土壤微生物遗传多样性的影响

作者： 秦越   来源： 宁夏大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： rDNA   T   间作栽培   连作栽培   微生物遗传多样性   BOXAIR   16S   马铃薯   RFLP   PCR  

描述： 马铃薯是宁夏黄土高原重要的高产粮菜兼用作物,在宁夏农业生产中占有举足轻重的地位。由于土地资源的限制,马铃薯连作栽培现象非常普遍。本研究采用BOXAIR-PCR、16S rDNA和T-RFLP技术对宁夏南部山区马铃薯土壤微生物遗传多样性进行研究,旨在为探讨马铃薯连作障碍原因提供理论依据。研究结果如下：

全文：宁夏南部山区马铃薯土壤微生物遗传多样性进行研究,旨在为探讨马铃薯连作障碍原因提供理论依据。研究结果如下： (1)采用BOXAIR-PCR、16S rDNA技术对土壤可培养细菌遗传多样性研究表明：四个连作

小米史话

作者： 暂无 来源： 广西粮食经济 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 左民   农书   春宴   半坡村   二真   考古工作者   码书   二山   黄河流域   明代李时珍  

描述： 谷子,又叫粟,去皮后为小米,我国的黄河流域是它的故乡,后来才传列其它各国。1954年我国考古工作者在西安市半坡村新石器时代人类遗址中发现的罐存碳化谷粒,证明我国种植和食用谷子的历史悠久。少说也有几万年了。谷子在我国古代农书上叫法不一,有的叫‘梁’,有的叫‘禾’,还有的叫‘稷’的,直到明代李时珍的《本草

陕西水利碑石

作者： 魏田   来源： 陕西水利 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 山河堰   修志工作   创修   文管所   红石峡   碑首   石门水   泾惠渠   梅公   重大技术成果  

描述： 形式的美化,也具艺术仂值。这是我国碑刻的特点。陕西汉唐故迹累累,各种存碑也较他省丰富,而农田水利远自郑国渠近至泾惠渠,均闻名于世,因此古往今来留下不少足以征证水利信史的碑碣,成为省内文化遗产之一。

黄土高原雨水资源化潜力与时空分布特征

作者： 张宝庆   吴普特   赵西宁   王玉宝   来源： 排灌机械工程学报 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 定量评价   分布式水文模型   雨水利用   可变下渗容量模型   黄土高原  

描述： 泥沙主要来源地,可重点研发和应用降雨径流汇集、蓄存和集雨补灌等技术,以达到合理调控利用地表径流、减缓水土流失的双重目的;近40 a各分区雨水资源化潜力均呈现出略微下降趋势,但该趋势并不显著;黄土高原雨水资...

新疆库尔勒垦区机采棉（陆地棉）综合农艺关键技术的研究

作者： 姜鸿君   来源： 中国农业大学 年份： 2005 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 棉花   品种   机采棉  

描述： 棉花是新疆兵团主要的经济支柱产业,目前已在耕地、播种、施肥、中耕、喷药等方面实现了机械化。但棉花收获大部分仍依靠手工作业,很大程度上制约了棉花生产和劳动生产力水平的提高,棉花收获问题已成为阻碍兵团实施棉花发展战略的瓶颈之一。兵团大力推广机采棉技术,是解决该问题的重要手段。机采棉农艺技术是机采棉作业中

全文：+1050g/hm~2乙烯利。喷施脱叶剂的最佳温度为目平均温度在18～25℃,最佳喷药期9月10～15日,吐絮率达到40%时即可喷施。

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：等机构的存银进行贴补。另一方面,随着太仓库岁入逋欠的日益严重,太仓库实际岁支年例银的数额不断下降。万历末期到崇祯朝,太仓库旧库的额定年例银岁支总数停止了上升的势头,较以前的银额稍有下降,并大致保持在