我国现代农业产学研创新联盟研究

作者： 赵瑞波   来源： 河北农业大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 运行机制   现代农业   产学研联盟   组织模式  

描述： ability of creation transforming, so that it can optimize the competition structure and accelerate the qualitative leap of the development stage.

全文：的发展仅靠单项推进收效甚微,必须吸引多元主体的参与,加强与高校、科研机构等部门的合作,形成网络价值。现代经济学认为,组织制度在经济发展中具有根本性作用,决定了一个产业的竞争力。在传统农业(分散粗放经营

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作者： 张莎莎   来源： 上海交通大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 那达慕   文化生态   民族节庆  

描述： 这是一个需要节庆的时代，民族节庆不仅仅是庆祝和文体娱乐，民族的历史、礼仪、道德规范以及祈福、禁忌等活动都在节庆活动中得到充分发展。它的神秘性加上这一时代对节庆的需求，使民族节成为旅游业最重要的支撑点，且它的价值也远高于后来所创造的新节庆。那达慕是中华文明三大文化源头之一，它是基于传统游牧文化和原始信

全文：其它国家在民族节庆传承过程中的成功经验；接下来，运用文化生态学的方法分别从经济发展、生产方式、外来文化等方面对民族节庆的演变原因进行分析。最后，以内蒙古那达慕作为案例进行分析，借鉴其他国家节庆开发

西北神话初探

作者： 鲁小娜   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 神话   民族精神   民族文化   西北  

描述： 本文共分为四部分。 第一，关于西北神话与自然界及日、月神话体系的形成研究： 西北神话的发生与流传与西北自然界密不可分，因此本章重点阐述西北自然风貌、地理环境与西北神话之间的联系。探索昆仑文化与西北民族文化之间的关联；通过古文献中“明夷”与“石夷”以及日、月之母、后羿射日等神话故事的记载梳理西北日、月

全文：、农业文化两方面之间的关系： 1、西北神话反映了民族战争与民族迁徙的历史现象。本文结合历史学知识，讨论禹伐三苗之战，黄帝、蚩尤争战以及西王母的历史迁徙轨迹与神话色彩分析古代社会经济、政治、文化在神话中

宁南旱区应变型种植制度的机理与技术体系构建

作者： 王龙昌   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2001 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 机理   应变型种植制度   决策系统   技术体系－   干早   旱区农业  

描述： 旱地农业在我国和世界农业生产中都占据十分重要的地位，随着人口增长，人类面临的食 物短缺、水资源危机及环境恶化的形势更加严峻，旱地农业发展受到广大旱区国家高度重视， 并在早区农作制度研究方面取得许多重大进展。 宁南旱区地处黄土高原西北端，属黄河中游黄土丘陵沟壑区，旱作农田占总耕地面积的 90％。该区气

全文：的改进败学们型．研究姑果表明，宁南早区不 一柯作物伪东分生态邀应性、多年主收审好于二牢坐作物／汐赐作而好于贾丽僳物，1类作物叨 于谷炎作物．从降水条件看，丰水年份的作物水分生态适应应效高，而于早年

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：,太仓库与北边军镇开支的财政关系也就此得到进一步强化。 总之,明代财政制度是随着时间发展和相应而来的不同因素对比的变化而不断变化的,从来没有凝固在一种定式上。明代财政史乃至中国古代制度史的研究应当

光绪朝（1875-1908）灾荒研究

作者： 张高臣   来源： 山东大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 近代义赈   光绪朝自然灾害   灾荒观   社会影响   荒政  

描述： cal changes took place in China. In the wars lunched against China by France, Japan and the Eight-power Allied Forces, imperial force made its way into China step by step and China was transforming itself into a semi-colonial, semi-feudal society.

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光绪朝（1875-1908）灾荒研究

作者： 张高臣   来源： 山东大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 近代义赈   灾荒观   光绪朝自然灾害   社会影响   荒政  

描述： 光绪朝34年间,正处在中国封建统治崩溃的前夜,是中国社会发生剧烈变动的一个时期：通过中法战争、中日战争和八国联军侵华战争,帝国主义的势力步步深入,中国社会迅速向着半殖民地半封建的性质转化。伴随着民族危机的加深和清王朝封建统治的日暮穷途,中国社会内部相继发生了洋务运动、维新变法运动、义和团运动和辛亥革

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对当代中国三农问题观念的反思

作者： 杜瑾   来源： 中国人民大学 年份： 2005 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 观念   三农问题   反思  

描述： 三农问题是当今中国的一个沉重话题,这不仅因为三农触目惊心的现实,还因为它是中国一系列复杂的社会历史现实问题相互纠结的结果和体现因而成了久拖不决的世纪难题。然而三农大国的基本国情又决定了三农是一个我们永远绕不开而必须着手解决的重大现实问题。正因此,三农问题也是目前众人关注的热点焦点问题。对此,关心三农

全文：华夏文明的主脉基调,成了人类史 6 上农耕文明存续时间最长、发展形态最完备、成就最辉煌的典范和奇迹。没有 三农,中国就失去了它的基本内容和特定内涵。其二,三农又是中国现在未来 命运的决定因素。三农的贫困

中国农村生态文化建设研究

作者： 李恩   来源： 吉林大学 年份： 2012 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 生态农业   农民专业合作社   人与自然和谐   农村生态文化  

描述： 进入21世纪，世界各地自然灾害频繁爆发，并且出现了几十年不遇的极端异常天气。这些异常情况，在我国也屡见不鲜。这些灾害性天气，让我们深刻地认识到追求高增长给自然环境带来的严重破坏。20世纪末，吉林人民出版社出版了一套绿色经典文库，在总序中吴国盛指出：“我国经济正处在高增长时期，环境污染和生态破坏相当严

全文：的必然选择，新农村建设的整体推进，对于改善农村环境，提高农民福利是一个有效选择。 农村经济社会的发展是一个复杂的系统工程，既不是单一的经济研究可解，也不是单一的社会学研究可解，既不是单一的金融学研究可解

敦煌绿洲农业生态安全评价

作者： 白杨   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： P   R模型   S   多层次多目标模糊优选模型   农业生态安全   敦煌绿洲   熵值法  

描述： e.

全文：安全、政治安全和经济安全。由此,国内外许多学者相继扩充了“国家安全”的概念,同时提出了“生态安全”、“环境安全”、“资源安全”等新的概念和问题,生态安全问题已经成为当前地学、资源与环境科学以及生态学