甘肃省定西市作物秸秆资源利用与低碳农业发展研究

作者： 张启霞   来源： 四川师范大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 秸秆碳储量   定西市   秸秆利用   碳循环   低碳农业  

描述： 农业是人类生活的基础，农作物作为农业的主要组成部分，它既是碳的排放源，又是碳的吸收汇。作物既能通过呼吸作用增加碳的排放，又可以通过光合作用吸收并固定碳。农田植被是农田生态系统碳库的重要组成部分之一，作物秸秆又是农田植被的主体部分，作物秸秆利用对农田植被碳的固定和排放具有重要的影响。研究农作物的秸秆资

全文：可持续发展，实现“低能耗、低污染、低排放”为目标的低碳农业发展和生态环境保护具有重要意义。 本文采用实地走访调查、农田样方观测、实验分析，以及定西市统计年鉴数据（2009～2013）等资料，结合秸秆

秦、豳风诗与近楚风诗的比较研究

作者： 赵璐   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2012 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 《秦风》   《诗经》   文化背景   近楚风诗   《豳风》  

描述： 《诗经》之中没有设“楚风”，但江汉一带的一些姬姓小国和陈国因地理位置与楚相邻，又屡次为楚侵伐，并先后被并入楚国，受到楚地文化的影响。产生于这一地域的二《南》及《陈风》反映了楚地的自然风貌与民风民俗，具有楚歌独特的风情和韵味，因此可以将这些作品称为“近楚风诗”。江汉一带的姬姓小国，民风民俗与楚相似，但

全文：主题两方面对近楚风诗和秦、豳风诗进行比较。 本文是在《国风》地域研究的基础上进行比较，因此侧重于探讨各风诗产生的文化背景，并结合作品进行诗歌主题的分析。

清末民初关中地区的农田水利纠纷及其解决途径

作者： 赵淑清   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 清末民初   解决途径   关中地区   农田水利纠纷   特征  

描述： society. The central Shaanxi Province lies in the northwest inner-land, lacking in water resources. Although there have been major farmland irrigation projects and perfect management system in the Qin and Han Dynasty, the times of the Sui and Tang Dynasty, the situation of water depletion could not be changed radically.

全文：、研究思路和方法进行说明。第二部分,清末民初关中地区的农田水利纠纷。这些水利纠纷案件主要是从《陕西水利月刊》中辑录出来的,少数来源于碑刻资料、人文笔记中的记载。第三部分,在分析典型水利纠纷案例的基础上

中国北方地区节水农作制度研究

作者： 王婧   来源： 沈阳农业大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 北方地区   节水   节水技术   节水农作制度   种植模式  

描述： ium between the grain production and water resource: the drought and the irrigation area in northeast china, the drought and the irrigation region in Huanghuaihai area, the drought and the irrigation area in northwest china.The article analized the characteristic of water using of the main crops and the main cropping systems, compared the economic benefit of the water-saving planting patterns, studied the economic benefit, the water-saving benefit and participatory farmers survey results etc. of the water-saving technologies.

全文：节水种植模式的产量与节水效益,分析各区主要节水技术的节水效果、经济效益与参与式农民调查结果,主要结论如下: (1)东北灌区面临的主要问题是如何提高农业水资源的利用率,主要通过节水技术的应用与推广来实现

黄土高原农田土壤有机碳空间变异性

作者： 张志霞   来源： 中国科学院研究生院（教育部水土保持与生态环境研究中心） 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 不确定性   尺度效应   农田有机碳   黄土高原   空间变异  

描述： 伴随着生态环境问题的不断出现，各类碳问题逐渐成为科学家们探讨的热点。作为陆地生态系统最大的碳库，土壤碳库储量的估算存在较大的不确定性，有机碳空间变异是其不确定的重要原因之一。受人为活动的强烈影响，农田土壤有机碳具有较大的空间变异。在黄土高原地区，由于地形起伏大、地貌类型多样，进一步增加了农田土壤有机

全文：，建立合理的土壤采样布点方案具有重要的理论和现实意义。主要得出以下结论： （1）黄土高原不同地貌类型区及对应的县域尺度下，土壤有机碳空间变异性具有尺度效应，丘陵区的有机碳含量与变异系数尺度效应较为明显

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：,进而以太仓库为中心,对明代国家财政体系运行的机制、状态,以及明代中央财政体系的基本类型特征进行系统的分析。 就参考文献而言,《明实录》记事通贯明代始终,是涵盖太仓库运作全过程的一套最成体系的史料,本文

汉代农业生产管理研究

作者： 黄富成   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农耕文明   小农经济   农业技术   汉代   农业生产   政府管理  

描述： 农业是自然再生产和社会再生产的统一，是社会经济的基础，是整个古代世界具有决定性的生产部门。两汉时期，为巩固集权统治地位，政府加强了对社会经济干预的程度，农业生产和发展的各种资源性要素，如土地配置、人口流动、技术传播、铁器布控、经济交流乃至农本文化的宣教、农田开发等因受集权政府政治、经济发展的战略及制

全文：作用，因此本文更多关注了技术各构成要素形式及其在政府管理机制作用下对资源开发的途径、对于经济的促进或抑制作用、对于生产组织和管理组织的经济绩效关系分析等。 在内容上本文具体分为六部分：第一章：汉代