秦汉农学文献研究

作者： 康丽娜   来源： 河南大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 秦汉农学   学术价值   农学文献   农业发展史  

描述： e in the whole system of China's agriculture.

全文：,基本上涵盖了秦汉农学的各个方面,其中有反映秦汉生态环境状况、农田水利兴修情况、农业生产水平、农业农谚的文献记载等。我们把仅有的两个秦汉农书辑佚本和分散在史书中的相关农学文献结合起来之后,基本能从整体上

敦煌写本佛经题记研究

作者： 魏郭辉   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 唐宋   敦煌写本   佛经题记  

描述： ng degrees in different periods of Dunhuang

全文：现的佛教经典的隆替和祈愿对象、功德内容的变化以及文化演变情况。敦煌佛教既具有地方特色,又具有中原特色,以佛典为载体的文化交流,更加体现出敦煌地区性文化特色,而佛经题记中所记来自中原及周边地区抄写的佛经

秦汉农学文献研究

作者： 康丽娜   来源： 河南大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 秦汉农学   学术价值   农学文献   农业发展史  

描述： e in the whole system of China's agriculture.

全文：,基本上涵盖了秦汉农学的各个方面,其中有反映秦汉生态环境状况、农田水利兴修情况、农业生产水平、农业农谚的文献记载等。我们把仅有的两个秦汉农书辑佚本和分散在史书中的相关农学文献结合起来之后,基本能从整体上

论河州“花儿”及其改编曲的语言特点

作者： 王金山   来源： 河北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 语言   民歌   河州“花儿”  

描述： Language is that human being transfers information，spreading culture implement，nation and regionality is important language characteristic.

全文：语言是人类传递信息、传播文化的工具,民族性和地域性是语言的重要特征。我国地域辽阔,民族众多,客观上造成了我国复杂的语言情况。方言是指同一个民族在不同的区域里说着大同小异的话。民族因素和地理因素对方

从敦煌文书看唐五代宋初敦煌地区的物权观念

作者： 朱江红   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 物权   历史   唐五代宋初   敦煌   法律   文献  

描述： During the period of Tang, the Five Dynasties and early Song, Chinese feudal economy began to flourish.

全文：、不动产的处分和转移行动中体现的较明显,其中对分家析产文书的分析深入揭示了财产共有现象。文章注重概念的解释,借用现代的专用名词,以现代物权法中用益物权和担保物权的构成为线索,探讨他物权的使用情况,并辑

从游牧到农耕：哈萨克族生计方式选择和文化适应

作者： 汪俊   来源： 广西民族大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 哈萨克族   文化变迁   生计方式  

描述： azak Autonomous prefecture in Xinjiang .

全文：村的背景情况,简述了村落的发展概况以及民族关系的现状。第三章论述哈萨克族生计方式的变迁。农牧业体制变革是哈萨克族生计方式变迁的重要因素。这一变迁历程伴随着牲畜种类与结构、牧养方式的变化、农作物

对观光农业空间类型分布的探索

作者： 卢冲   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 聚类分析法   农业观光   西安   乡镇   SAS软件  

描述： y to become "the green economy" under the big background onekind of natural selection.

全文：聚类结果与旅游区区划原则,综合分析当地实际情况,最后得出结论该乡镇是否适合发展观光农业。该结论为各乡镇的观光农业发展提供了很好的参考依据,也为各乡镇的观光农业发展指明方向。同时,论文当中提到的SAS软件也能很方便、直观的对样本进行聚类分析。

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：的趋势。 明代财政强调“量入为出”的基本原则,太仓库通常以本年岁入及库存预支下一年的岁支。然而,在嘉靖以后的大部分年份里,由于边镇巨额军费开支的压力,在岁入无法满足岁支需求的情形下,“量出以制入”的情况

历史时期青海地区自然灾害与区域社会经济发展研究

作者： 刘雯   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 青海地区   自然灾害   历史时期   社会效应  

描述： e distinctive features in Western and Eastern of Qinghai's natural disaster in history which based on the historical materials and studied the Interaction Relationship Between the natural disasters and social-economic development, we used the theory and analysis method from the research area of disaster history and agricultural history, try to have a comprehensive investigation between the natural disasters and social-economic development in the history of Qinghai. Firstly, we divided Qinghai into two parts: the eastern and the western, under the study of the geographical features of Qinghai. We summarized the natural disaster of the eastern part mainly as flood, drought, hailstone and frost with distinctive features of variety, continuity and growth accompany while the western is mainly as earthquake and snow disaster with distinctive features of unexpected and severity. Secondly ， as the great influence on agriculture and the resulting changement in agriculture is most profound, so the progress in agriculture sciences is related to withstand the natural disaster in some ways. The paper discussed the natural disasters affected Qinghai's agriculture in history, from the aspect of seed selection 、 production 、 processing and storage to invest the development of mitigation techniques in this area. And for the livestock we investigated in two sides bred of livestock and prevention of livestock, furthermore we invested the mitigation techniques which full of geographical characteristics. Thirdly, the article investigated the relationship between natural disasters and the economic fluctuation in Qinghai from the perspective of the change in population and grain price. And then, we analyzed the influence on regional industrial structure from the aspect of expansion in rural areas, the relationship between agriculture and animal husbandry, disaster-relief crop introduction and the structure of animal species. In the view of pastoral economic exchange, we studied the interaction relationship between the natural disasters and economic development. Finally, we studied the interaction relationship between the natural disasters and social development in Qinghai. What is more, we analyzed the policy which includes grain storage, relieved and help the people in disaster , reduced taxes to control the disaster in history. We wish these could be helpful to the prevention and control of natural disasters in Qinghai today.

全文：很大程度上与抵御自然灾害相联系。文章探讨了历史时期青海地区的农业灾害情况,从选种、生产、加工、储藏的角度对该地区种植业减灾技术的发展进行了考察,对畜牧业则从畜种选育和畜疫防治的角度进行了分析,此外还

基于地理标志的初级农产品品牌化建设研究

作者： 李响   来源： 天津大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 初级农产品   地理标志   保护制度   品牌建设  

描述： cts in high price, which would improve the industrialization development.

全文：竞争力,增加农民收入,而且有利于农业产业化进程,从而带动一个区域经济的发展。 本文对地理标志农产品品牌化建设做了较系统的研究。本文首先析了我国初级农产品品牌建设现状及资源分布情况,从而提出地理标志品牌