从出土简帛看思孟学派的“内圣外王”思想

作者： 谢耀亭   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 内圣外王   先秦儒学   思孟学派   出土简帛  

描述： s text is mainly constituted by the following seven parts.

全文：意义、研究现状、研究基本思路、研究方法及目的予以说明。本文以出土简帛为突破口,结合传世文献,从“内圣外王”的角度对思孟学派进行系统地研究,可以弥补以往因资料相对缺乏而导致思孟学派研究中的一些不足之处

唐代丝绸之路演变与西北市场格局的变动

作者： 袁黎明   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 市场   丝绸之路   军事   环境   商业  

描述： 丝绸之路横贯东西，绵亘数千里，是古代东西方交通的大动脉，也是中国古代人民与西方各国通商、通使友好往来的贸易之路，它促进了东西方的经济文化交流，为中国乃至世界文明的发展做出了不可磨灭的贡献。唐朝是我国历史上的盛世时代，其政治、经济和文化发展水平都处于世界领先地位，自信的中国人以博大的胸襟、开放的姿态与

全文：特点：首先，丝路东段、西域、关内道三个地区的市场相对独立，其贸易的对象和类型各不相同。其次，丝绸之路的变动是唐代西北市场变动的重要因素，路线的变动决定了市场的兴衰。第三，唐代西北地区出现商业中心、军政

黄土高原旱地长期定位试验土壤酶活性研究

作者： 樊军   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2001 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 微生物数量   土壤酶活性   土壤酶动力学   微生物量碳氮   长期定位试验  

描述： 本论文对设在黄土高原旱地农田上的两个长期定位试验土壤酶活性进行研究，包括过氧化氢酶、蔗糖酶、脲酶、碱性磷酸酶、蛋白酶，结合土壤养分含量、微生物数量、微生物量碳氮等性质对旱地农田的土壤酶活性进行综合研究，探索旱地长期施肥与轮作等农业措施对土壤生物学性质，特别是酶活性影响的实质原因，并用酶活性综合评价土

全文：，尤其施用有机肥可以显著提高土壤微生物量，微生物碳相对休闲地增加幅度在62.3%～270%，微生物氮增加41.2%～353.1%，施肥使微生物量氮占全氮的比例明显提高。微生物量碳、氮与土壤酶活性有很好

先秦至隋唐时期传统节日文化研究

作者： 韩学山   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 先秦至隋唐   禁忌   节日文化   巫术  

描述： 本文主要运用民俗学、人类学和文化学等学科的相关理论方法，以中国古代汉族传统节同节俗为研究对象，对先秦至隋唐时期的节庆文化作了一个整体分析和解释。以期实现“两个突破”，即方法论上的突破和对传统文化内涵解释上的突破，尝试探索传统文化更深层次的底蕴。 节日节庆文化是中国传统文化的重要组成部分，先秦至隋唐时

全文：和习俗仪式等方面的内容、具体表现及特点，则是一个相对模糊且研究较为薄弱的领域。本文试着从进化论、功能主义、结构主义的角度来探索这个领域，并提出了“早期中国节庆文化巫术说”的观点。 最后，在宏观对先秦至隋唐

中国古代石磨盘研究

作者： 曾慧芳   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2012 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 石磨盘   中国古代   饮食文化   杵臼   石转磨   胡饼   小麦  

描述： 中国素以农业立国，一部中国古代史，也可以说是一部中国农业发展史。农业不仅实现了人类的定居，也正是有了农业，才有了文字，从而产生了博大精深中华文明。研究农业自然离不开对农业工具的研究。石磨盘、石磨棒虽然是随着原始采集渔猎经济而出现的，但它却为农业的产生发展打下了基础，因而与农业有着一定的渊源。因此对石

全文：而有所差异，再加上文化产生的时间差距，导致了各地出土石磨盘、石磨棒的形态各异是必然的。而裴李岗文化、磁山文化和后李文化出现的制作相对精美的石磨盘、石磨棒，除了反映这些文化影响下的先民审美观点的独特和当时先民

甘肃省定西市作物秸秆资源利用与低碳农业发展研究

作者： 张启霞   来源： 四川师范大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 秸秆碳储量   定西市   秸秆利用   碳循环   低碳农业  

描述： 农业是人类生活的基础，农作物作为农业的主要组成部分，它既是碳的排放源，又是碳的吸收汇。作物既能通过呼吸作用增加碳的排放，又可以通过光合作用吸收并固定碳。农田植被是农田生态系统碳库的重要组成部分之一，作物秸秆又是农田植被的主体部分，作物秸秆利用对农田植被碳的固定和排放具有重要的影响。研究农作物的秸秆资

全文：%)为主，小麦秸秆(占34%)次之，马铃薯秸秆仅占12%，其秸秆资源相对较少；该市6县1区的秸秆资源量大小排序为：通渭县(29.87%)>安定区(23.72%)>临洮县(18.87%)>陇西县(14.41

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：。其他明人奏疏、笔记及清代史料中也有相对分散的关于明代太仓库的记载,皆尽量收集参考。 本文研究表明,明初成立的内库,是一个以负责国家公共事务为主、负责皇室收支为辅的机构。其后,内库所担当的国家

文化认同与文化控制：秦汉民间信仰研究

作者： 李秋香   来源： 河南大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 文化控制   文化认同   功能变迁   秦汉   民间信仰  

描述： le's understanding and regarding for the universe and the life at that time.

全文：。在这样的背景下,秦汉民间信仰呈现出四个主要特点:即传统神祇与新造神灵并存;信仰对象等级性限制的减弱与世俗化特征的加强;神灵地域性特色的相对减弱与一统性特色的凸显;异地神灵与宗教神灵影响的逐渐扩大

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作者： 方堃   来源： 华中师范大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 新型农村公共服务体系   “服务三角”模型   整体性治理   碎片化  

描述： lions of farmers, greatly emancipated and developed the rural productive forces, and fundamentally improved the majority of farmers' production and living conditions. The economy and society of rural area in China has undergone

全文：等。 第一章至第五章为本文的核心部分。其中,依据“总和分”的关系将第一章至第四章与第五章在研究内容上分开。前者为与“服务三角”模型框架相对应的新型农村公共服务体系的四个子系统；后者则是基于“服务三角”模型

黄土高原农田土壤有机碳空间变异性

作者： 张志霞   来源： 中国科学院研究生院（教育部水土保持与生态环境研究中心） 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 不确定性   尺度效应   农田有机碳   黄土高原   空间变异  

描述： 伴随着生态环境问题的不断出现，各类碳问题逐渐成为科学家们探讨的热点。作为陆地生态系统最大的碳库，土壤碳库储量的估算存在较大的不确定性，有机碳空间变异是其不确定的重要原因之一。受人为活动的强烈影响，农田土壤有机碳具有较大的空间变异。在黄土高原地区，由于地形起伏大、地貌类型多样，进一步增加了农田土壤有机

全文：流域尺度，在黄土高原区域尺度的研究工作相对缺乏。本文以黄土高原丘陵区、高塬区、平原区为研究区域，从不同地貌类型区域尺度、同种地貌类型对应的县域尺度、地貌单元尺度和乡镇尺度，采用传统统计学与地统计学结合