两汉农民生活研究

作者： 陈冬仿   来源： 郑州大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 生活   人际关系   国家认同   聚落形态   精神文化   生产活动   两汉   农民  

描述： 汉代社会以农耕文明为基础，农民人口是社会的主体，农民生活形态具有鲜明的时代特色。本文重点探讨两汉农民居住场所、生产活动、人际交往、政治及精神文化等生活状况，力求勾勒出那个时代农民生活动态和立体的画卷。 根据地形、气候等自然条件不同，两汉乡村聚落形式和建筑结构呈现出多样化特征，经过人为规划的聚落和自然

全文：趋利避害的目的，形成时日岁时、衣食住行、婚丧嫁娶以及农业生产等方面的禁忌。具有农民自身特色的歌舞及小型杂艺等精神娱乐活动，是其积极乐观精神风貌的一种体现。由于投入时间和娱乐内容上的限制，农民很难成为

陕西白水苹果园土壤元素分布与环境研究

作者： 董红梅   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 人为富集   土壤剖面   自然富集   元素分布   预测模型   白水苹果园  

描述： 土壤是人类赖以生存的重要自然资源,而土壤元素的丰缺情况直接影响着农产品的品质和产量。研究土壤元素的组成,不仅能认识土壤元素的垂直分布特征及成因,而且对揭示人类活动的污染强度和影响深度,对改善土壤质量实现农业可持续发展具有重要意义。黄土高原是中国乃至世界优质苹果生产基地之一,但多年种植造成果园土壤质量

全文：、有机质、pH值、碳酸钙、颜色和磁化率)的基础上,重点研究了剖面中常量元素、重金属等微量元素的垂直分布、迁移富集特征,分析了其与土壤基本理化指标之间的关系,并建立土壤基本理化指标与元素含量之间的定量关系

渭河流域旱涝灾害研究

作者： 段文明   来源： 中国科学院研究生院(教育部水土保持与生态环境研究中心) 年份： 2012 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 旱涝时空分布   旱涝事件   气候变化   渭河流域  

描述： 渭河流域是中华文明的发祥地，涉及甘肃、宁夏、陕西三省（区）。地处黄土高原南缘，秦岭北麓，属大陆性季风气候区、干旱地区和湿润地区的过渡地带。春暖干旱，夏季热而多雨但有伏旱，秋凉湿润，冬季干燥寒冷雨雪稀少。流域自然生态系统脆弱，对气候变化的反应敏感，抵御自然变化能力差。旱涝灾害是渭河流域主要的气象灾害，

全文：渭河流域旱涝演变趋势及旱涝时空分布特征，研究旱涝与气候变化关系及旱涝灾害事件。主要的研究进展如下： 1.渭河流域近540年旱涝等级演变规律： 在世纪尺度的干湿类型上，渭河流域15世纪末、16世纪属干旱

文化认同与文化控制：秦汉民间信仰研究

作者： 李秋香   来源： 河南大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 文化控制   文化认同   功能变迁   秦汉   民间信仰  

描述： le's understanding and regarding for the universe and the life at that time.

全文：功能变迁总体上呈现出地域文化认同的由强变弱及族群文化认同和历史文化认同功能的渐趋增强等方面。民间信仰文化控制功能的变迁主要表现为:从先秦到秦汉之际,巫术类和禁忌类在文化控制中占据主导地位。但在西汉中期后

西北旱区农业水土资源利用分区及其匹配特征研究

作者： 耿庆玲   来源： 中国科学院研究生院（教育部水土保持与生态环境研究中心） 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 西北旱区   干湿气候   分区指标   农业水土资源   匹配  

描述： 水土资源是农业生产的核心资源，也是粮食生产的战略资源,其态势关系到我国粮食生产的安全性和稳定性。近年来，我国由人口增长和经济发展带来的水土资源需求与其本身的稀缺性、有限性之间的矛盾越来越大，使得水土资源管理成为全世界关注的对象和焦点问题，尤其对于水土资源利用问题较为严重的干旱地区更是受到国内外学者的

全文：、定性分析与定量研究相结合以及理论分析与实践相结合等方法，分析西北旱区的干湿气候特征及农业水土资源的利用现状，在进行西北旱区地理范围重新界定的基础上，对西北旱区农业水土资源利用状况进行分区，识别不同

西部农业现代化演进过程及机理研究

作者： 姜松   来源： 西南大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 西部农业现代化   演进过程   机理解析   差异性  

描述： 本文是关于西部农业现代化演进过程及机理的实证研究。西部农业现代化滞后性问题长期困扰其经济、社会协调与可持续发展。尤其在“四化”同步时代背景下,西部农业现代化演进不仅整体脱节,而且在某些局部地区出现严重反差,反映了西部农业现代化演进过程的特殊性与复杂性。本研究关键问题是：西部农业现代化演进过程有何不同

全文：起点,并基于对世界几种主要农业现代化发展类型与模式认知与考究,建立农业现代化演进分析模型,以揭示农业现代化演进过程及其均衡条件。最后,在评析已有农业现代化量化分析指标与方法基础上,提出研究所筛选

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：,太仓库与北边军镇开支的财政关系也就此得到进一步强化。 总之,明代财政制度是随着时间发展和相应而来的不同因素对比的变化而不断变化的,从来没有凝固在一种定式上。明代财政史乃至中国古代制度史的研究应当

古代保健“茶汤”的医学史研究

作者： 苏诺   来源： 中国中医科学院 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 医学发展史   保健饮品   茶汤  

描述： ning traditional tea or non-tea drinks (soft drinks).

全文：发展过程,各种保健“茶汤”种类、功效与制作等相关内容,总结各时代保健“茶汤”发展规律与特点。 本文按时代分成六个部分论述,并根据各时期发展的特点拟订了标题: 1.先秦的水、酒、浆、茶 本章讨论了先秦时期