茶与唐代诗之探究

作者： 梁先润   来源： 暨南大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 茶诗   儒   白居易   唐人饮茶之风   道   释  

描述： ortant role in advocating it

全文：,而且亲自开辟茶园,亲自种茶。唐代茶诗以茶沟通儒、道、释,从中寻求哲理,白居易应是其中一位重要的探寻者,他对茶文学的缔造确有许多贡献与深远影响。 本文的结构与内容： 第一章绪论,意在阐明研究动机、目的

黄河文明之近代转型研究

作者： 曲丽丽   来源： 山东师范大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 母亲河   农耕文明   黄河文明   近代转型  

描述： 中华大地，物华天宝、人杰地灵，中华文化，源远流长、博大精深。黄河是中华民族的母亲河，是中华文明的摇篮地，黄河文明是中华文明的主体和核心。20实际八十年代的电视纪录片《河殇》指出黄河能给予我们的已经给予了我们的祖先，在旧机体上生发不出新文明，简单粗暴的宣判了黄河文明的死刑。《河殇》的出现正是五四以来中

全文：大发展大繁荣若干重大问题的决定》和中共十八大报告同时强调要建设优秀传统文化传承体系，弘扬中华优秀传统文化。《决定》指出优秀传统文化凝聚着中华民族自强不息的精神追求和历久弥新的精神财富，是发展社会主义

黄土高原农田土壤有机碳空间变异性

作者： 张志霞   来源： 中国科学院研究生院（教育部水土保持与生态环境研究中心） 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 不确定性   尺度效应   农田有机碳   黄土高原   空间变异  

描述： 伴随着生态环境问题的不断出现，各类碳问题逐渐成为科学家们探讨的热点。作为陆地生态系统最大的碳库，土壤碳库储量的估算存在较大的不确定性，有机碳空间变异是其不确定的重要原因之一。受人为活动的强烈影响，农田土壤有机碳具有较大的空间变异。在黄土高原地区，由于地形起伏大、地貌类型多样，进一步增加了农田土壤有机

全文：，建立合理的土壤采样布点方案具有重要的理论和现实意义。主要得出以下结论： （1）黄土高原不同地貌类型区及对应的县域尺度下，土壤有机碳空间变异性具有尺度效应，丘陵区的有机碳含量与变异系数尺度效应较为明显

中国传统水车研究

作者： 方立松   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 传统水车   农具史   农田灌溉  

描述： large-scale farming tool that can water continuously from the ground-surface water in the rivers, lakes, or pools, and is mainly applied to lifting water to the high ground or drain water in the low-lying farmland. Due to the reason that the traditional

全文：十分重要。在我国南方稻作区,水车是家家必需之物。人们用它进行排灌,来调节和改变农田水分状况和区域水利条件,达到符合发展农业生产的要求。通过排灌,一方面扩大水田灌溉面积,实现增产,另一方面减轻

新农村公共服务体系的构建研究

作者： 周美岑   来源： 西南大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 公共服务   新农村公共服务   社会主义新农村建设  

描述： est strategic decision. In the "Proposal on the

全文：情况,针对存在的问题,改进和完善各种体制和机制；四是要建立与各种标准相对应的数据采集系统,研究和提出评价指标和评价标准,为建立农村公共服务体系完善程度奠定技术基础。

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：。明代国家财政的目标是通过最小限度地征收民众财富以满足维持国家正常运行的基本需求,其背后隐含的理念是要最大限度地保障最大多数人的基本物质生存条件。私人利益与国家公共利益之间的冲突是明代财政制度中的根本矛盾

干旱半干旱地区农田灌溉节水治理模式及其绩效研究

作者： 刘涛   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 灌溉   效率   用水者协会   制度建设   自主治理  

描述： the world's resource is 6%, but the average water resource to the world's average level is just 1

全文：中国面临着严重的水短缺问题,尤其是西北干旱半干旱地区。我国淡水资源总量占全球水资源的6%,但人均占有量仅为世界平均水平的1／4、美国的1／5,在世界上名列121位,是全球13个人均水资源最贫乏的国家

光绪朝（1875-1908）灾荒研究

作者： 张高臣   来源： 山东大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 近代义赈   光绪朝自然灾害   灾荒观   社会影响   荒政  

描述： cal changes took place in China. In the wars lunched against China by France, Japan and the Eight-power Allied Forces, imperial force made its way into China step by step and China was transforming itself into a semi-colonial, semi-feudal society.

全文：对当时社会产生了怎样的影响?当时社会各阶层对灾荒问题又是如何认识的?正确认识这些问题,既有助于深化对光绪朝历史的研究,又可为我国当前的防灾救荒事业提供借鉴,具有重要的历史和现实意义。 要正确分析和评价

光绪朝（1875-1908）灾荒研究

作者： 张高臣   来源： 山东大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 近代义赈   灾荒观   光绪朝自然灾害   社会影响   荒政  

描述： 光绪朝34年间,正处在中国封建统治崩溃的前夜,是中国社会发生剧烈变动的一个时期：通过中法战争、中日战争和八国联军侵华战争,帝国主义的势力步步深入,中国社会迅速向着半殖民地半封建的性质转化。伴随着民族危机的加深和清王朝封建统治的日暮穷途,中国社会内部相继发生了洋务运动、维新变法运动、义和团运动和辛亥革

全文：对当时社会产生了怎样的影响?当时社会各阶层对灾荒问题又是如何认识的?正确认识这些问题,既有助于深化对光绪朝历史的研究,又可为我国当前的防灾救荒事业提供借鉴,具有重要的历史和现实意义。 要正确分析和评价

汉代农业生产管理研究

作者： 黄富成   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农耕文明   小农经济   农业技术   汉代   农业生产   政府管理  

描述： 农业是自然再生产和社会再生产的统一，是社会经济的基础，是整个古代世界具有决定性的生产部门。两汉时期，为巩固集权统治地位，政府加强了对社会经济干预的程度，农业生产和发展的各种资源性要素，如土地配置、人口流动、技术传播、铁器布控、经济交流乃至农本文化的宣教、农田开发等因受集权政府政治、经济发展的战略及制

全文：大环境循环系统的重要组成，良好的生态环境是农业持续发展的基础，农业的发展应以促进环境和谐为前提。对于政府而言要加大农田和生态环境保护的政策，二者的良性循环是社会经济和谐发展的基础。 总之，通过客观评述汉代