《管子》与农业

作者： 周昕   来源： 管子学刊 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 国轨   都匠   水利科学技术   地员   《管子》   灌溉工程   农业现代化   恶金   水利工程技术   古代农业  

描述： 《管子》一书,内容十分丰富,有许多涉及农业和农业技术方面的内容,特别是《度地》、《地员》两篇,就全部是农业和农田水利方面的技术内容。这两篇文章和其他各篇的一些部分,记述了许多有价值的农业科技和水利工程技术,对指导古代农业生产发挥了重要

北宋农田水利法规研究

作者： 张博   来源： 郑州大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 法规   农田水利   北宋  

描述： , which is also suitable to the Northern Song Dynasty.

全文：的水利法规及相关文献,诸如：《疏决利害八条》、《农田利害条约》、《千仓渠水利奏立科条碑记》《上吕中丞书》、《答手诏条陈十事》、《水利书》和《吴中水利书》,进行逐一论述,以期管窥整个北宋时期农田水利法规

论《诗经》中的农业

作者： 孙关龙   来源： 古今农业 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 先秦古籍   周颂   鲁颂   大叔于田   秦风   科学技术史   诗歌集   春秋时期   小雅   周族  

描述： 郭沫若指出:“《诗经》是我国文献中一部可靠的古书”。梁启超认为:“现存先秦古籍,真膺杂揉,几乎无一书无问题,其精金美玉、字字可信可宝者,《诗经》其首也。”《诗经》不但是我国第一部诗歌集,为我国

殷代的蝗灾

作者： 范毓周   来源： 农业考古 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 幡帜   殷代   治蝗   凶饥   Locusta   亚洲飞蝗   《小雅》   农业生产   害虫防治   小雅  

描述： ,惟早极而蝗,数千里间,草木皆尽,或牛马毛、幡帜皆尽,其害尤惨,过于水、旱、”我国古代由于蝗灾而造成“草木牛马毛皆尽”。“民流亡”、“民饥死,县数千百人”、“饿殍枕道”等等惨状,更是屡见于史,不绝于书。根据昆虫学者陈家祥早在1935年所作的统计,我国自公元前707年至1935年止的2642年间,有过

传统农业时代的农业减灾技术研究

作者： 邵侃   商兆奎   来源： 西北大学学报(自然科学版) 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 农业减灾技术   自然灾害   传统农业时代  

描述： 目的系统整理和分析传统农业时代的农业减灾技术,研究其减灾功能及对今天的历史借鉴作用。方法文献资料分析与灾害学研究。结果根据古代救荒书、农书和地方志等资料,将我国传统农业生产技术中的防灾救荒措施,划分

中国古代农业灾害防减体系研究

作者： 邵侃   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农业灾害史   农业灾荒文献   减灾技术   灾荒赈救   灾害预防  

描述： n the 1920s when China was called “the Land of Famine” by an American relief worker, the phrase immediately gained currency.

全文：农业灾害是灾害系统最主要的组成部分之一,对于所有以农立国的国家而言,灾荒都是一个永恒的话题。自1926年Walter H. Mallory的China: Land of Famine一书问世以来

中国古代农业灾害防减体系研究

作者： 邵侃   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农业灾害史   农业灾荒文献   减灾技术   灾荒赈救   灾害预防  

描述： n the 1920s when China was called “the Land of Famine” by an American relief worker, the phrase immediately gained currency.

全文：农业灾害是灾害系统最主要的组成部分之一,对于所有以农立国的国家而言,灾荒都是一个永恒的话题。自1926年Walter H. Mallory的China: Land of Famine一书问世以来

周秦汉晋时期农业灾害和农业减灾方略研究

作者： 卜风贤   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2001 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 周秦汉晋   减灾方略   农业灾害   历史研究  

描述： 农业灾害的历史与农业生产的发展相始终。在古代社会，中国农业灾害频繁发生，对农业生产和国民经济造成严重危害和破坏。在现代灾害学昌兴的新的历史形势下，农业灾害史的研究需要汲取灾害学的理论成果，重新审视古代灾害的发生发展及农业减灾的措施和成效。为此，本文研究了周秦汉晋时期的农业灾害和农业减灾方略。全文由三

全文：灾害的成因、历史农业灾害发生演变规律、历代抗灾救荒措施、古代荒政制度、救荒书与救荒思想等方面论述了灾害史研究的学术历程，总结了灾害史研究所取得的成就，分析了其中存在的问题，提出了解决问题的方案和办法

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：将之作为研究整个有明一代太仓库发展、演变以及不同时期地位作用变化的核心文献。同时,本文利用各朝制书,如洪武时期《诸司职掌》、正德《明会典》、万历《明会典》、万历《太仓考》以及《万历会计录》等文献,对太仓