屯田的生财之道

作者： 翁礼华   来源： 浙江经济 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 生财之道   民屯   商屯   国有土地   财政支出   军粮供应   前元   财政收入   元狩   汉军  

描述： 的农业生产组织形式,就是屯田。屯田生财是增加财政收入,减少财政支出的一项有效手段。屯田有军屯、民屯、商屯三种。屯田,最早始于边防军粮需要。西汉前元十一年(前169),汉文帝以罪人、奴婢和招募的农民戍边屯田,以解决边防军军粮供应短缺问题。正式军屯则始于汉武帝时期,元狩四年(前119)汉军击败匈奴

中国蔬菜栽培简史

作者： 胡驰   来源： 农业与技术 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 蔬菜   栽培技术   简史  

描述： 本文从蔬菜种类的变化、周年供应的措施、生产和管理、独特的栽培技术、采种方法等几大方面对我国蔬菜发展栽培简史做了概述。

中国古代粮食安全问题研究

作者： 吴宾   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 古代粮食安全   粮食流通、粮食仓储   农业生产   粮食政策  

描述： 粮食安全关系国家安全和社会稳定,不仅是政治问题,也是经济问题。在传统农业社会中,历朝历代无不把粮食问题摆在治国安邦的重要位置,有“洪范八政,食为政首”之称,并在全社会形成了重农重储的观念和风尚。封建王朝从意识形态、农业生产、粮食仓储、流通、政策等领域加强粮食的供应和保障,积累和形成了相当丰富的有关粮

全文：尚。封建王朝从意识形态、农业生产、粮食仓储、流通、政策等领域加强粮食的供应和保障,积累和形成了相当丰富的有关粮食问题的思想、文化、制度。本文以现代粮食安全的概念为视角,系统考察历史时期粮食生产、仓储、流通以及

两汉屯田制研究

作者： 朱绍侯   来源： 史学月刊 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 东汉   西汉   屯田制  

描述： 中国的屯田制是从西汉开始的,它由秦朝的更戍制、汉初的"募民实边"和"北假田官"发展、演变而来。西汉只有边区屯田,到东汉才出现内地屯田。汉代军屯与民屯并存。屯田不仅为军队提供粮草供应,还保卫了边区,加强了民族融合,有利于对边疆的开发,也可减轻人民的租税负担。

中国古代军屯叙论

作者： 周凯军   来源： 军事经济研究 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 赵充国   宋略   正始   塞下   农官   军事经济史   屯田制度   农业生产   边兵   陇右  

描述： 军事屯田,是古代驻屯边塞的军队从事有组织的农业生产,以获取军粮,保障军队供给的军事经济制度。军屯在中国军事经济史上占有重要地位,发挥了重要作用。军屯发端于西汉时期。最先提出这一主张的是当时的著名

1933-1945年甘肃经济建设研究

作者： 裴庚辛   来源： 华中师范大学 年份： 2008 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 1933—1945   甘肃商业   甘肃工业   甘肃金融业   甘肃农业  

描述： 近代甘肃经济落后,农业生产仍是传统的耕作方式,产量低下;工业则没有几家近代工厂,主要是手工业工场或家庭手工业作坊,新式工业尚处于起步阶段。再加上灾荒频发,烟毒横行,地方当局借禁种之名行罚款之实。甘肃人民生活困苦不堪。与落后的经济水平相对应,近代甘肃的金融机构主要有票号、钱庄(银号)、当铺等几种形式,

全文：考虑,国民政府对其西部大后方进行了总的定位,“西南是抗战根据地,西北是建国根据地”,并加大了对西南、西北的开发与建设,出现了近代西南、西北开发的高潮。发展农业,确保战争物资的供应成为国民政府后方建设

古代“屯田积粟”的军事经济思想

作者： 谢守和   李益敏   来源： 军事经济研究 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 赵充国   治粟都尉   思想宝库   军事经济理论   军事经济研究   军民结合   因粮于敌   古代文化   古代军事   中国特点  

描述： 重要物资,“军无粮食则亡”,“兵马未动,粮草先行。”纵观古代战争史,历代军事家为了解决军队的粮草供应,精心谋略,运筹帷幄,提出了一系列的策略和方法,形成了具有中国特点的古代军事经济思想。其中最具有代表性的要算是在内“屯田戍边”、在外“因粮于敌”。本文拟对我国古代“屯田积粟戍

小麦测土配方施肥技术参数研究

作者： 顾志权   黄春祥   李意坚   张洪雁   吴锡棋   陆建华   钱卫飞   范培贤   杜玉彬   张维生   朱文彬   殷军成   丁木兰   徐云高   陈正清   秦军   来源： 江苏农业科学 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 施肥   测土   技术参数   小麦  

描述： 43个土壤基础地力测定汇总,当季小麦土壤基础地力供应氮(N)83.1 kg/hm2、磷(P2O5)36.75kg/hm2、钾(K2O)48.15 kg;12个点的测定结果,100 kg小麦籽粒产量

抗战前后陕、甘、宁三省农田水利建设探析

作者： 杜军辉   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 陕   农田水利   甘   宁三省   抗战前后   国民政府  

描述： nservancy .

全文：意义上的机械设备,因而灌渠质量普遍较高,灌田效益也很大,对当时三省的社会及整个中国都具有非常重要的作用和历史意义:首先,减缓了旱灾造成的影响,起到了稳定社会秩序的作用;其次,增加了农业产量,保障了战时军粮民食,有力地支援了抗战;最后,复兴了农村经济,加速了陕、甘、宁三省的近代化进程。

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：成化到弘治时期,太仓库年例银的发放是不规律的,时少时多。太仓库在这一时期并不负责北边所有军镇年例银的发放,而且太仓库时常与其他财政收入一起共同负责个别边镇的年例银供应。弘治与嘉靖两朝是太仓库年例银发