裕固族经济史

作者： 任正实   来源： 中央民族大学 年份： 2012 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 裕固族   游牧经济   经济史  

描述： 裕固族的祖先可以追溯到唐朝时期的回鹘汗国,由此又可追溯到公元前3世纪的丁零。研究裕固族经济史,丁零、高车、铁勒、回鹘经济研究是不可少的环节。从丁零到回纥汗国的建立,裕固族的祖先们经历了从原始氏族社会到家长奴隶制社会再到封建制社会的转变,但游牧经济一直是社会经济的主体部分。回鹘汗国内部实行封建性的赋税

全文：的影响,促进了河西回鹘社会和经济的进步。河西回鹘时期,商业和手工业成为其社会经济的重要组成部分。这一时期是裕固族历史上的一个重要阶段。在这一时期,裕固族祖先为中西方经济交流做出了突出贡献。 11世纪七八十

秦、豳风诗与近楚风诗的比较研究

作者： 赵璐   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2012 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 《秦风》   《诗经》   文化背景   近楚风诗   《豳风》  

描述： 《诗经》之中没有设“楚风”，但江汉一带的一些姬姓小国和陈国因地理位置与楚相邻，又屡次为楚侵伐，并先后被并入楚国，受到楚地文化的影响。产生于这一地域的二《南》及《陈风》反映了楚地的自然风貌与民风民俗，具有楚歌独特的风情和韵味，因此可以将这些作品称为“近楚风诗”。江汉一带的姬姓小国，民风民俗与楚相似，但

全文：风格。 《豳风》是周人早期居地岐豳一带的作品，产生时代较早，表现了周人早期的农业生产生活以及周初的重大历史事件，反映了周人的农本思想。西周末年，秦襄公“将兵救周”，并护送平王东迁。周平王封其为诸侯，与

宋代都市笔记研究

作者： 郑继猛   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 《武林旧事》   《东京梦华录》   宋代   都市笔记  

描述： , spiri other cultural elements, etc. as its center.

全文：和状况。第一节讨论宋以前都市的发展过程,考察先秦、汉、唐时期城市的发展过程,讨论城市生活与社会分工和商业繁荣之间的关系。第二、三节分别讨论汴梁、临安城市繁荣的地理、历史、文化条件。 第二章,对宋代都市

汉代农业生产管理研究

作者： 黄富成   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农耕文明   小农经济   农业技术   汉代   农业生产   政府管理  

描述： 农业是自然再生产和社会再生产的统一，是社会经济的基础，是整个古代世界具有决定性的生产部门。两汉时期，为巩固集权统治地位，政府加强了对社会经济干预的程度，农业生产和发展的各种资源性要素，如土地配置、人口流动、技术传播、铁器布控、经济交流乃至农本文化的宣教、农田开发等因受集权政府政治、经济发展的战略及制

全文：。 第六章：结语：历史的启示。我国两千余年来“有恒产者有恒心”的经济伦理思想对现今农村经济发展和土地改革仍具有现实的借鉴意义；通过揭示基本经济区农业经济转化的方式与手段，认为政府对农业经济资源控制与管理

马疏及“日损益斋”诗文研究

作者： 王忠禄   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 马疏   农事诗   唱和诗   陇右地域文化   陇右文学精神   日损益斋古文   陇右文学   日损益斋古今体诗   题画诗  

描述： e points about studying of Longyou area literature.

全文：和创新理念,不仅指导了自己的创作实践,使其作品达到了“醇乎其醇”的艺术高度,而且直接体现了有清一代作家的文学思想,应当受到学界的重视。 马疏的诗文还具有深厚的文化意蕴,这种意蕴包括：一、反映陇右历史

渭河流域旱涝灾害研究

作者： 段文明   来源： 中国科学院研究生院(教育部水土保持与生态环境研究中心) 年份： 2012 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 旱涝时空分布   旱涝事件   气候变化   渭河流域  

描述： 渭河流域是中华文明的发祥地，涉及甘肃、宁夏、陕西三省（区）。地处黄土高原南缘，秦岭北麓，属大陆性季风气候区、干旱地区和湿润地区的过渡地带。春暖干旱，夏季热而多雨但有伏旱，秋凉湿润，冬季干燥寒冷雨雪稀少。流域自然生态系统脆弱，对气候变化的反应敏感，抵御自然变化能力差。旱涝灾害是渭河流域主要的气象灾害，

全文：渭河流域旱涝演变趋势及旱涝时空分布特征，研究旱涝与气候变化关系及旱涝灾害事件。主要的研究进展如下： 1.渭河流域近540年旱涝等级演变规律： 在世纪尺度的干湿类型上，渭河流域15世纪末、16世纪属干旱

先秦诸子经济思想的生态阐释

作者： 赵麦茹   来源： 西北大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 启迪   生态阐释   先秦诸子   经济思想  

描述： 全球性的生态危机使人类对于环境问题和生态问题的关注空前加强，为了寻找解决这一问题的途径与方法，人类对于传统经济增长方式、西方自然观、逻辑思维与认知世界的行为等方面的范式进行了深刻的反思，环境伦理学、生态经济学等学科应运而生。伴随着这一过程的还有当代学者(特别是西方学者)对于中国传统文化中所包含的生态

全文：学派的哲学思想、逻辑思想、人性观理论、自然观理论以及历史观理论。由于先秦诸子的思想都秉承由夏商周三代文化发展沉淀下来的周文化，所以他们的思想根基有很多相似之处，如在自然观方面主张整体论、内因论与有机论

西部农业现代化演进过程及机理研究

作者： 姜松   来源： 西南大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 西部农业现代化   演进过程   机理解析   差异性  

描述： 本文是关于西部农业现代化演进过程及机理的实证研究。西部农业现代化滞后性问题长期困扰其经济、社会协调与可持续发展。尤其在“四化”同步时代背景下,西部农业现代化演进不仅整体脱节,而且在某些局部地区出现严重反差,反映了西部农业现代化演进过程的特殊性与复杂性。本研究关键问题是：西部农业现代化演进过程有何不同

全文：农业现代化核心指标和运用量化方法。 ②西部农业现代化发展现状与综合测度。首先,从历史学角度,以政策梳理为主线,追根溯源,回顾了从计划经济时期、改革开放初期至经济全面转型时期,农业现代化发展历史变迁与轨迹,并对

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：太仓库与盐法的财政关系演变历史表明,嘉靖朝是二者财政关系发生转变的关键时期。在嘉靖朝以前,存积等盐偶尔会因盐法雍滞或者太仓库财政需要而被折卖成银纳入太仓库,但从未形成制度化的规定。嘉靖时期,在既要维持开

干旱半干旱地区农田灌溉节水治理模式及其绩效研究

作者： 刘涛   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 灌溉   效率   用水者协会   制度建设   自主治理  

描述： the world's resource is 6%, but the average water resource to the world's average level is just 1

全文：中国面临着严重的水短缺问题,尤其是西北干旱半干旱地区。我国淡水资源总量占全球水资源的6%,但人均占有量仅为世界平均水平的1／4、美国的1／5,在世界上名列121位,是全球13个人均水资源最贫乏的国家