中国古代农业灾害防减体系研究

作者： 邵侃   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农业灾害史   农业灾荒文献   减灾技术   灾荒赈救   灾害预防  

描述： n the 1920s when China was called “the Land of Famine” by an American relief worker, the phrase immediately gained currency.

全文：、救荒书、占候书的基础上,对中国古代农业救荒文献进行了系统的梳理,确定收书范围,分析其内容体例特点,详论其中所蕴含的减灾科学技术资料分布,并对其史料价值进行评估,以弥补农业救荒文献综合性研究之不足。古代

日常生活变迁中的教育

作者： 顾月琴   来源： 华东师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 识字   职业教育   社会变迁   杂字   明清   教材  

描述： ty and

全文：士农工商,四民分业思想古已有之,在奴隶社会和封建社会早期,教育一般是贵族的特权,汉代儒学取得独尊地位,奠定了中国两千多年的教育与文化底蕴。隋唐科举制度实行后,学优则仕便成为普遍法则,四书五经等儒家

黄土高原农田土壤有机碳空间变异性

作者： 张志霞   来源： 中国科学院研究生院（教育部水土保持与生态环境研究中心） 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 不确定性   尺度效应   农田有机碳   黄土高原   空间变异  

描述： 伴随着生态环境问题的不断出现，各类碳问题逐渐成为科学家们探讨的热点。作为陆地生态系统最大的碳库，土壤碳库储量的估算存在较大的不确定性，有机碳空间变异是其不确定的重要原因之一。受人为活动的强烈影响，农田土壤有机碳具有较大的空间变异。在黄土高原地区，由于地形起伏大、地貌类型多样，进一步增加了农田土壤有机

全文：，建立合理的土壤采样布点方案具有重要的理论和现实意义。主要得出以下结论： （1）黄土高原不同地貌类型区及对应的县域尺度下，土壤有机碳空间变异性具有尺度效应，丘陵区的有机碳含量与变异系数尺度效应较为明显

宁南旱区应变型种植制度的机理与技术体系构建

作者： 王龙昌   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2001 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 机理   应变型种植制度   决策系统   技术体系－   干早   旱区农业  

描述： 旱地农业在我国和世界农业生产中都占据十分重要的地位，随着人口增长，人类面临的食 物短缺、水资源危机及环境恶化的形势更加严峻，旱地农业发展受到广大旱区国家高度重视， 并在早区农作制度研究方面取得许多重大进展。 宁南旱区地处黄土高原西北端，属黄河中游黄土丘陵沟壑区，旱作农田占总耕地面积的 90％。该区气

全文：规律相适应的应变型种植制度优化方案，研究与之配套的抗旱 应灾农业技术体系，力求克服因气候变异造成的旱地生产力大起大落状况，进而提出宁南旱区 生态农业建设和农业产业化开发战略。旨在促进旱区降水资源高效

对当代中国三农问题观念的反思

作者： 杜瑾   来源： 中国人民大学 年份： 2005 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 观念   三农问题   反思  

描述： 三农问题是当今中国的一个沉重话题,这不仅因为三农触目惊心的现实,还因为它是中国一系列复杂的社会历史现实问题相互纠结的结果和体现因而成了久拖不决的世纪难题。然而三农大国的基本国情又决定了三农是一个我们永远绕不开而必须着手解决的重大现实问题。正因此,三农问题也是目前众人关注的热点焦点问题。对此,关心三农

全文：。 第一部分:三农问题成为社会热点焦点问题的缘由。任何问题成为热点焦点问题都有两个必备的条件:举足轻重的地位和重大影响。三农问题也是如此,其成为热点的缘由就是三农在中国社会中的基础战略地位和目前问题之

从劝农文看宋朝乡村社会问题

作者： 于芹   来源： 西南大学 年份： 2012 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 劝农文   宋朝乡村   社会问题  

描述： 近年来伴随研究视角的转变,越来越多的学者在“自下而上”的历史观指导下,越来越多的关注历史和现实中的农村、农业和农民等“三农”问题。宋朝是中国古代社会的重要转型期,这一时期的商品经济得到了空前发展,特别是城市商品经济的发展,对乡村社会中的人、财、物产生了抽离作用,进而影响到了乡村社会经济的发展以及乡村

全文：乡村社会问题。宋朝统治者对于当时乡村社会中新出现的某些现象持排斥态度,力图改变之并致力于重构传统的乡村社会秩序,希望在当时的农村建立一个传统伦理下的“和谐”社会。那么,宋朝统治者都进行了哪些努力?这些

中国古代农家文化研究

作者： 熊帝兵   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农家   民生   农业史   传统文化  

描述： od of Warring States (475-221 B.C.), attracting scholars' attention and becoming one of important schools then. After Qin Dynasty, scholars determining to study agriculture carried forward good traditions of Non自is in the Period of Warring States, enriched researching contents and fields, and enabled Non自is to develop in depth. In finial, those determining to study agriculture formed a group with researching agriculture as its distinguishing feature. What the group researched included agricultural ideologies, techniques of farming and cropping, methods of operation and management, measures of fighting and preventing agricultural calamities. The whole group showed its own styles in valuing agriculture and concerning people's livelihood. And those agricultural ideologies, science and technology, methods and spirits composed Nongjia's culture, the cream of which can afford us lessons to solve today's new problems.

全文：、储备节用,积极发掘备荒食物以减少灾年饿殍遍野之患。 古代农家在农业研究中始终秉承着民生关怀的传统和精神。竺可桢先生指出5000年历史中曾经历过四个寒冷期。其中后三个寒冷期,灾害频发、社会危机严重

中国古代农家文化研究

作者： 熊帝兵   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农家   民生   农业史   传统文化  

描述： od of Warring States (475-221 B.C.), attracting scholars' attention and becoming one of important schools then. After Qin Dynasty, scholars determining to study agriculture carried forward good traditions of Non自is in the Period of Warring States, enriched researching contents and fields, and enabled Non自is to develop in depth. In finial, those determining to study agriculture formed a group with researching agriculture as its distinguishing feature. What the group researched included agricultural ideologies, techniques of farming and cropping, methods of operation and management, measures of fighting and preventing agricultural calamities. The whole group showed its own styles in valuing agriculture and concerning people's livelihood. And those agricultural ideologies, science and technology, methods and spirits composed Nongjia's culture, the cream of which can afford us lessons to solve today's new problems.

全文：、储备节用,积极发掘备荒食物以减少灾年饿殍遍野之患。 古代农家在农业研究中始终秉承着民生关怀的传统和精神。竺可桢先生指出5000年历史中曾经历过四个寒冷期。其中后三个寒冷期,灾害频发、社会危机严重

《诗经》中生活习俗研究

作者： 王志芳   来源： 山东大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 生活习俗   考古发现   综合分析   《诗经》   文献记载  

描述： 《诗经》以其记载历史的真实性和记叙内容的丰富性，加之诗歌特有的简洁、凝练、含蓄的艺术性，激发着历代学者的研究热情。许多学者从民俗学角度关注其中的生活习俗，挖掘和探究其深厚的民俗文化内涵。随着考古学的发展，考古资料逐渐被引进《诗经》研究领域，推动了《诗经》研究的进一步发展。本文在借助前人研究成果基础上

全文：语言表现出来的诸多生活习俗，基本上能找得到与之相应的考古实物，并有《诗经》之外大量古典文献予以资料的支持。《诗经》记载和考古实物相互印证，说明了文献记载与考古发现的一致性，从而充分证实了《诗经》对历史

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：方面的根本问题并不在于税率的高或低,而在于递减的国家赋税征收能力与递增的实际财政岁需之间矛盾的逐步升级。衡量明代财政制度的标准应当是看它是否符合初设的财政理念。与强调个人利益之天然合法性的现代资本主义