临夏花儿与地理环境的关系

作者： 高志海   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 临夏   耦合关系   花儿   地理环境  

描述： cyclopedia of west China”. Being a type of non-material culture heritage shared by many nationalities, Huaer is a mark of spoken arts in west China, which is of great value for art appreciation and academic research.

全文：花儿是我国民族音乐的重要组成部分,是中华民族文化中绚丽夺目、光彩斑斓的艺术奇葩之一,被称为“西北的百科全书”。作为多民族共享的非物质文化遗产,是西部、乃至中国民歌中属于标志性的口承文艺,是最富

黄土高原北部农牧交错带庭院集雨提高水分转化效率技术途径的研究

作者： 马治国   来源： 中国农业大学 年份： 2005 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 提高水分转化效率   黄土高原农牧交错带   集雨补灌   庭院经济  

描述： 本研究以内蒙古准格尔旗为例,研究了在半干旱气候条件下,建设集雨补灌农业.发展高效节水庭院经济的途径和对策。本区位于黄土高原北部农牧交错带,自然环境恶劣,水土流失严重,土壤生产力低下,由于过度开垦

全文：和放牧,植被破坏严重,生态恶化,急需治理。在此条件下,发展生态节水型庭院经济,可缓解生态压力,对于促进区域经济的发展具有重要意义。主要研究结果如下: (1) 在试验区,大力建设集雨设施是发展庭院经济的基础

河湟“花儿”里的岁时节日风俗

作者： 张永鹤   来源： 中国土族 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 赵充国   拔延山   河湟   农事节日   龙抬头   岁时节日   乐都   赵宽   化隆   八月十五  

描述： 河湟地区是青海东部黄河、湟水两河流域的广大地区,主要包括西宁地区一市两县和海东地区六县。1942年在乐都县老鸦城出土的汉《三老赵宽之碑》,说明至少在两汉时,河湟地区就已成为中央封建王朝直接管辖的地区。《三老碑》和史载的西汉赵充国河湟屯田说明汉族人在两汉时就已大量进入这个地区。公元609年,隋炀帝在拔延山(今乐都、化隆一带)的围猎活动,打击了同时期的吐谷浑

渭河平原县域农田土壤养分肥力空间特征研究

作者： 李志鹏   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 土壤养分   空间变异性   地统计学   养分肥力   时空变化  

描述： 渭河平原地势平坦，气候温和，土壤肥力水平主要受土壤养分含量的影响。本研究选取渭河平原腹地，素有“白菜心”之称的兴平市作为研究区，基于GIS技术支持平台，综合运用传统统计学、数理统计、地统计学等方法，结合“3414”田间肥效试验结果和1980s第二次土壤普查的珍贵历史数据集，研究兴平市农田土壤有机质、

全文：，结合“3414”田间肥效试验结果和1980s第二次土壤普查的珍贵历史数据集，研究兴平市农田土壤有机质、全氮、速效养分及有效态微量元素共计11种土壤养分指标，以及土壤碳氮比、速效氮磷比2类养分比值的空间

甘肃省板蓝根全膜微垄垄上穴播栽培技术

作者： 刘健   高飞   来源： 甘肃农业科技 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 抗病毒效果   栽培技术   年降水量   等行距   大宗中药材   畦沟   补灌   全膜   播量   迟播  

描述： 上穴播集雨栽培是通过机械修整,在田间形成多个等行距微形垄沟,然后全地膜覆膜,在垄上穴播,在垄畦沟内进行补灌的新技术,适用于甘肃海拔2 200~2 400 m、年降水量在250~450 mm有补灌条件的半干旱农业区,现介绍如下。

渭北旱塬果园生态系统水肥调控技术研究

作者： 索改弟   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 土壤水分   苹果   深层干燥化   聚水集肥控根技术   渭北旱塬   根系  

描述： 随着果业种植规模的持续扩大，种植年限的增加以及化肥等的大量投入，渭北地区果园生态系统出现了一些严重问题，如土壤水分调控能力下降，出现了深层干燥化；化肥施用量大，利用率低下，造成了硝态氮深层累积等。为此本研究针对果园水肥利用率问题，在运用地表覆盖技术对果树进行调控的基础上，将起垄和壤中人工防渗层相结合

全文：23.2%；水分利用效率最高（48.89kg·mm-1·hm-2），高于对照22.4%。 综上所述，“聚水集肥控根”技术很好地结合了起垄和壤中人工防渗层技术对水分的调控效果，将有限的降雨集中起来，以水调肥

黄土高原地区村级农田土壤养分空间变异特征与肥力评价研究

作者： 高义民   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2005 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 评价   土壤养分   空间变异性   村级尺度  

描述： 农田土壤养分的空间变异性具有普遍性。开展土壤养分空间变异性研究对于科学合理地制定农田施肥方案,提高养分资源利用率,促进变量施肥技术的发展,实现精确施肥都具有重要意义。长期以来,国内外关于土壤养分空间变异的研究大都集中在田块级小尺度或县乡级大尺度,而对村级尺度下的土壤养分空间变异性研究很少。村级单位是

全文：实施,因此研究村级尺度下的农田土壤养分空间变异性,在我国更具有实际意义。 本研究选择黄土高原地区陕西省新集村为研究对象,在219hm2耕地上用网格法(采样间距为粮食作物70×70m,果园50×50m

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：库制度、地位做横向断面的详细剖析。万历中后期户部尚书赵世卿所作《司农奏议》、崇祯初户部尚书毕自严的《度支奏议》、《石隐园藏稿》及崇祯末年户部尚书倪元璐的《倪文贞集》等,皆收录作者关于太仓库的许多疏牍