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中国古代农家文化研究
作者: 熊帝兵   来源: 南京农业大学 年份: 2010 文献类型 : 学位论文 关键词: 农家   民生   农业史   传统文化  
描述: od of Warring States (475-221 B.C.), attracting scholars' attention and becoming one of important schools then. After Qin Dynasty, scholars determining to study agriculture carried forward good traditions of Non自is in the Period of Warring States, enriched researching contents and fields, and enabled Non自is to develop in depth. In finial, those determining to study agriculture formed a group with researching agriculture as its distinguishing feature. What the group researched included agricultural ideologies, techniques of farming and cropping, methods of operation and management, measures of fighting and preventing agricultural calamities. The whole group showed its own styles in valuing agriculture and concerning people's livelihood. And those agricultural ideologies, science and technology, methods and spirits composed Nongjia's culture, the cream of which can afford us lessons to solve today's new problems.
全文:。农家正式形成于战国,以许行为标志,形成了自己的学派,并参与了“儒农论战”。农家在先秦获得较大发展,其游学范围经历了由楚→宋→鲁→齐→秦的变化。两汉相对较短的历史时期内出现了较多农家,他们继承和发展
中国古代农家文化研究
作者: 熊帝兵   来源: 南京农业大学 年份: 2010 文献类型 : 学位论文 关键词: 农家   民生   农业史   传统文化  
描述: od of Warring States (475-221 B.C.), attracting scholars' attention and becoming one of important schools then. After Qin Dynasty, scholars determining to study agriculture carried forward good traditions of Non自is in the Period of Warring States, enriched researching contents and fields, and enabled Non自is to develop in depth. In finial, those determining to study agriculture formed a group with researching agriculture as its distinguishing feature. What the group researched included agricultural ideologies, techniques of farming and cropping, methods of operation and management, measures of fighting and preventing agricultural calamities. The whole group showed its own styles in valuing agriculture and concerning people's livelihood. And those agricultural ideologies, science and technology, methods and spirits composed Nongjia's culture, the cream of which can afford us lessons to solve today's new problems.
全文:。农家正式形成于战国,以许行为标志,形成了自己的学派,并参与了“儒农论战”。农家在先秦获得较大发展,其游学范围经历了由楚→宋→鲁→齐→秦的变化。两汉相对较短的历史时期内出现了较多农家,他们继承和发展
1933-1945年甘肃经济建设研究
作者: 裴庚辛   来源: 华中师范大学 年份: 2008 文献类型 : 学位论文 关键词: 1933—1945   甘肃商业   甘肃工业   甘肃金融业   甘肃农业  
描述: 近代甘肃经济落后,农业生产仍是传统的耕作方式,产量低下;工业则没有几家近代工厂,主要是手工业工场或家庭手工业作坊,新式工业尚处于起步阶段。再加上灾荒频发,烟毒横行,地方当局借禁种之名行罚款之实。甘肃人民生活困苦不堪。与落后的经济水平相对应,近代甘肃的金融机构主要有票号、钱庄(银号)、当铺等几种形式,
全文:相对大规模的间接融资手段,在工业化进程中扮演重要的角色。近代以来政府财政匮乏,需要银行的债务支持以及以银行为中介向社会筹资。新式银行与近代中国经济、政治的发展密切相关,然而它们之间的关系并不总是以正相关
先秦儒家思想的生态学启示
作者: 付智强   来源: 长江大学 年份: 2012 文献类型 : 学位论文 关键词: 荀子   周易   论语   孟子   生态  
描述: 中国历史上经历了三大黄金时期,春秋晚期到西汉的四百年间是中国历史的第一个黄金时期,也称为“大黄金时期”。这一时期,各诸侯国之间的兼并战争不断深化并逐渐向大一统迈进。这一时期社会处于大变革时期,各种思想争芳斗艳、交相辉映,形成了思想史上“百家争鸣”的局面。《汉书·艺文志·诸子略》载:“诸子十家,其可观
全文:,孟子的性善论为世人的行为处事指明了方向,劝告人们要保持本心,多做善事。同样,在人与自然界的交往过程中,人们也同样应该用良心来善待自然万物,如此才能与自然和谐相处。作为自然界的一部分,农业生态系统
庄子生态美学思想研究
作者: 赵凤远   来源: 山东大学 年份: 2007 文献类型 : 学位论文 关键词: 重生观   庄子   天道观   齐物观   生态美学  
描述: 庄子是先秦时期道家学派的创始人之一,他被雅斯贝尔斯称为"轴心时代"的思想家,而轴心时代产生的思想几乎蕴涵了后世所有文化观念的因子,从而能够长久惠及后世并具有永久的价值。中国古代农耕社会的现实与动荡不安的社会环境促使庄子深入思考了人与自然的关系问题。这些思考呈现出"天人合一"(万物一体)的总体特征,其
全文:正确的"生态平等"意识和审美境界;第三,庄子的"重生观"有助于人们从事生态实践活动和审美生存;最后,庄子"天道观"促使人们对大自然保持适度的尊重和敬畏,限制和削弱了人们对自然界的妄自尊大的任意征服行为
中国古代害虫观念与防治技术研究
作者: 龚光明   来源: 南京农业大学 年份: 2010 文献类型 : 学位论文 关键词: 观念   防治技术   农作物害虫   中国古代  
描述: 中国古代以农立国,农业丰歉直接关乎社会稳定、人类幸福。因此,农业害虫一直受到关注,人们不断探索、总结其规律及应对措施。在生产实践中,害虫观念、防治技术在继承的基础上不断发展与更新。不同时期害虫观念的变化对防治政策的制定及防治技术的实施产生深远影响。 古代农业害虫以蝗、螟、好蚄及未知名害虫为主,次数依
全文:,因此祈神消灾成为应对害虫的主要方法。在农业实践中认识到“失时”产生害虫。并通过各种“时禁”约束人类不合时宜的索取行为,设有相应官职确保禁令的执行。但除虫官职及其所用药物主要针对室内等害虫而非
光绪朝(1875-1908)灾荒研究
作者: 张高臣   来源: 山东大学 年份: 2010 文献类型 : 学位论文 关键词: 近代义赈   光绪朝自然灾害   灾荒观   社会影响   荒政  
描述: cal changes took place in China. In the wars lunched against China by France, Japan and the Eight-power Allied Forces, imperial force made its way into China step by step and China was transforming itself into a semi-colonial, semi-feudal society.
全文:组织劝赈、自行募集经费,并自行向灾民直接散发救灾物资的活动。尽管近代义赈实质上仍是一种民间救灾行为,但它与传统的民间捐赀助赈活动有着本质的区别,它是对传统民间捐赀助赈的一种继承,更是一种超越。近代义赈
光绪朝(1875-1908)灾荒研究
作者: 张高臣   来源: 山东大学 年份: 2010 文献类型 : 学位论文 关键词: 近代义赈   灾荒观   光绪朝自然灾害   社会影响   荒政  
描述: 光绪朝34年间,正处在中国封建统治崩溃的前夜,是中国社会发生剧烈变动的一个时期:通过中法战争、中日战争和八国联军侵华战争,帝国主义的势力步步深入,中国社会迅速向着半殖民地半封建的性质转化。伴随着民族危机的加深和清王朝封建统治的日暮穷途,中国社会内部相继发生了洋务运动、维新变法运动、义和团运动和辛亥革
全文:组织劝赈、自行募集经费,并自行向灾民直接散发救灾物资的活动。尽管近代义赈实质上仍是一种民间救灾行为,但它与传统的民间捐赀助赈活动有着本质的区别,它是对传统民间捐赀助赈的一种继承,更是一种超越。近代义赈
明代太仓库研究
作者: 苏新红   来源: 东北师范大学 年份: 2009 文献类型 : 学位论文 关键词: 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  
描述: the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”(太仓库) , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign(正统) , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku( Jiuku, 旧库) stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian,屯田 ), peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before
全文:的情况下,明朝的整个国家财政体系却能维持运转达一个多世纪。这是因为:首先,《明实录》的编撰者们有着明显地选择记录太仓库财政欠佳年份的倾向,这是明代太仓库收支呈现长久亏损面貌的原因之一。其次,一般情况下
马疏及“日损益斋”诗文研究
作者: 王忠禄   来源: 西北师范大学 年份: 2009 文献类型 : 学位论文 关键词: 马疏   农事诗   唱和诗   陇右地域文化   陇右文学精神   日损益斋古文   陇右文学   日损益斋古今体诗   题画诗  
描述: e points about studying of Longyou area literature.
全文:几个方面: 1、期望世风真淳。“世风日下,人心不古”的悲叹反映人们对现实世界的感受和对精神家园的选择。作家们对现实世界无能为力,就在文学作品里构筑自己的理想,与现实进行抗争。2、关心民生疾苦。中国古
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