清末农业新政研究

作者： 苑朋欣   来源： 河北师范大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 新政   农业   地方政府   清政府   清末  

描述： 在中国农业发展史上,清末新政时期是一个非常重要的历史阶段。其间,清政府制定和颁布了一系列改良和发展农业的新政策、新措施,各级地方政府对中央的这些政策和措施一般也能比较认真地贯彻实施,中国传统农业出现了一些明显的发展和变化。这自然会促进中国传统农业向现代农业的转化,推动中国农业现代化的进程。既反映了中

全文：的背景条件看,清末农业困境的迫使、西方的经济冲击、重农舆论的推动都是重要因素。 第二章至第六章可以视为一个单元。主要是对农业新政的相关组织机构进行考察,将农业行政机关的创设和运行、农会组织的出现及其角色

陕北黄土高原小流域治理及其效益评价

作者： 王军强   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2001 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 评价   陕北黄土高原   效益   小流域治理  

描述： 本文应用生态经济学的理论和方法，对陕北黄土高原小流域治理进行了调查，根据项目要求共选择了十一条典型小流域（试区），并按试区治理的特点划分为五种治理模式，系统总结了陕北黄土高原水土流失综合治理的经验。建立了一套比较完整适用的小流域评价指标体系，应用层次分析法、多层次模糊综合评价法对治理模式和各条小流域

全文：与农户座谈，进行开放式提问，了解当地的实际情况，提高了调查数据的准确性、可靠性和全面性。 总结了各地近年来出现的水土保持新方法，主要有大垄沟种植法、地膜覆盖、混农林业（椒粮间作、地埂花椒、果粮农间作

黄土高原地区村级农田土壤养分空间变异特征与肥力评价研究

作者： 高义民   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2005 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 评价   土壤养分   空间变异性   村级尺度  

描述： 农田土壤养分的空间变异性具有普遍性。开展土壤养分空间变异性研究对于科学合理地制定农田施肥方案,提高养分资源利用率,促进变量施肥技术的发展,实现精确施肥都具有重要意义。长期以来,国内外关于土壤养分空间变异的研究大都集中在田块级小尺度或县乡级大尺度,而对村级尺度下的土壤养分空间变异性研究很少。村级单位是

全文：。 Kriging插值结果显示,该村土壤养分分布状况极不均匀,耕作习惯、水分管理、作物类型、土地利用方式均对土壤养分分布构成影响,主要是由于施肥所致。建议在该试验村对土壤K、P养分进行分区管理,N肥采用

黄土高原旱地长期定位试验土壤酶活性研究

作者： 樊军   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2001 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 微生物数量   土壤酶活性   土壤酶动力学   微生物量碳氮   长期定位试验  

描述： 本论文对设在黄土高原旱地农田上的两个长期定位试验土壤酶活性进行研究，包括过氧化氢酶、蔗糖酶、脲酶、碱性磷酸酶、蛋白酶，结合土壤养分含量、微生物数量、微生物量碳氮等性质对旱地农田的土壤酶活性进行综合研究，探索旱地长期施肥与轮作等农业措施对土壤生物学性质，特别是酶活性影响的实质原因，并用酶活性综合评价土

全文：离脲酶、碱性磷酸酶活性占总酶活性的1%左右，结合酶促反应动力学参数研究证实：旱地土壤酶活性主要是累积在土壤中酶的活性，它与土壤有机无机胶体紧密结合，受其保护，稳定性很高；对土壤0～200cm剖面酶活性

渭北旱原地膜小麦肥水规律与技术决策研究

作者： 任广鑫   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2001 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 渭北旱原   栽培技术   地膜小麦   施肥模型  

描述： 论文题目：渭北旱原地膜小麦肥水规律与技术决策研究 作者简介：任广鑫，男，1969年生，1998年从师于杨改河教授，于2001年毕业于生态学专业并获理学硕士学位。 渭北旱原是陕西省农业生产发展潜力最大的中产区，也是重要的畜产品、果品基地和能源化工基地。该区水资源缺乏，农业基础设施比较薄弱，产业化程度不

全文：的中产区，也是重要的畜产品、果品基地和能源化工基地。该区水资源缺乏，农业基础设施比较薄弱，产业化程度不高，农民人均收入较低。该区冬小麦常年种植面积占陕西省小麦总面积的1/3，由于水分限制使光温生产潜力

西北内陆旱区经济作物节水响应机理及灌溉制度优化模拟研究

作者： 郑建华   来源： 中国农业大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 土壤水分   作物生长   调亏灌溉   膜下滴灌   洋葱   作物产量  

描述： 水资源短缺和生态环境恶化已成为西北内陆旱区农业可持续发展的制约因素。近年来,压缩高耗水作物、增加节水型经济作物种植比例已成为该地区缓解水资源供需矛盾、促进农民增收的重要举措。因此,研究西北内陆旱区经济作物的节水响应机理,并建立水分高效利用的灌溉制度对促进当地水资源可持续利用、保障生态安全和农业可持续

全文：和西红柿)水分高效利用的灌溉制度。主要研究内容和取得成果如下： (1)于2008-2009年开展了洋葱膜上畦灌亏缺灌溉试验,采用称重式蒸渗仪定量研究了洋葱的耗水规律,及水分亏缺对洋葱产量和水分利用效率的影响

中国古代石磨盘研究

作者： 曾慧芳   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2012 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 石磨盘   中国古代   饮食文化   杵臼   石转磨   胡饼   小麦  

描述： 中国素以农业立国，一部中国古代史，也可以说是一部中国农业发展史。农业不仅实现了人类的定居，也正是有了农业，才有了文字，从而产生了博大精深中华文明。研究农业自然离不开对农业工具的研究。石磨盘、石磨棒虽然是随着原始采集渔猎经济而出现的，但它却为农业的产生发展打下了基础，因而与农业有着一定的渊源。因此对石

全文：、特色化。胡饼的广泛传播也得是胡饼的制作原料——小麦，终于在唐中期时一改过去在人们粮食结构里的中游地位，成为北方最主要的粮食作物，并一直保持到现在。

“一线两带”区域特色农业发展激励机制研究

作者： 方伟   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2005 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农户   激励机制   特色农业   一线两带  

描述： 区域特色农业发展要求将本地区的农业资源优势转化为市场竞争中的竞争优势,区域相对优势在经济中的表现,就是相对成本较低,在市场机制有效发挥情况下,成本优势必然会使各个地区发展农业时用自身资源优势来参与竞争,从宏观格局上体现出特色农业发展状态。陕西“一线两带”地区,一方面在农业资源方面具有比较优势,另一方

全文：了对农户参与特色农业发展的激励机制。全文共分五个部分: 第一章,导言。作为提出问题的部分,论述了选题的目的、意义及国内外研究动态。 第二章,“一线两带”区域特色农业发展的主体及激励目标确立。本章主要

茶与唐代诗之探究

作者： 梁先润   来源： 暨南大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 茶诗   儒   白居易   唐人饮茶之风   道   释  

描述： ortant role in advocating it

全文：。 第三章考察唐代饮茶之风盛行,以见唐代的茶诗、尤其是文人诗中的茶形象(包括茶园山水),重点论诗中对茶色、香、味的刻画。 第四章论白居易饮茶的生活情趣,白居易茶诗的生活美学,茶诗的美学意境,主要由白居易

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：库的财政开支类项主要包括在京开支、国家军事及地方赈济等,其中最重要的是发往北边军镇的年例银。太仓库年例银起源于京运年例银,并被长久视为京运年例银的一部分。北边军镇的京运年例银在正统年间就已经出现。在