西北地区新农村节约型庭院建设模式研究

作者： 陈明   来源： 西安建筑科技大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 定边   四节技术   庭院   新农村  

描述： iculture, farmer and countryside problems, is always the core work of party and state, But with the development of modern technology revolution and economic globalization, economy, technology and talents resource are flowing to the city, villages are relatively in high marginalized situation, the agriculture develop difficult and the peasants' income grow slowly.

全文：,农业发展步履艰难、农民收入徘徊不前。然而经济和科技的发展,对农村建设是挑战更是机遇,如何顺应时代发展潮流,实现我国新农村建设的跨越式发展,是决定我国全面建设小康社会进程和实现国家现代化的关键性

后农业税时代天水市乡镇财政问题研究

作者： 肖雪萍   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 天水市乡镇财政   后农业税   体制改革   公共产品与公共服务  

描述： Since January 1,2006, China has cancelled the agriculture tax completely and formally.

全文：从2006年1月1日起,中国正式全面取消农业税,从此中国步入后农业税时代。后农业税时代乡镇财政问题研究是当前建设社会主义新农村进程中的热点问题。本文以后农业税时代乡镇财政的困境与对策作为研究对象,以

甘肃省农业特色优势产业区发展的实证分析与对策研究

作者： 王文略   来源： 甘肃农业大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 甘肃省   区位商与集中系数   发展对策   农业特色优势产业区   GEM模型  

描述： s agriculture has entered a new phase, in which the Characteristics agriculture development rapidly.

全文：近年来,随着新农村建设的全面推进和现代农业的快速发展,我国农业已经进入一个新的阶段,其中,特色农业发展势头迅猛,农业特色优势产业区域化程度不断提高。甘肃省虽然发展农业的整体环境与条件不佳,但多样

农村剩余劳动力转移与城乡互动

作者： 王华军   来源： 山西师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 城乡互动   农村劳动力   转移  

描述： countryside.

全文：农业剩余劳动力转移是统筹城乡发展,推进社会主义新农村建设的重要举措。本文在分析农村剩余劳动力转移研究成果的基础上,从我国社会实际出发,对我国农村剩余劳动力转移现状、特点、城乡互动现状与原因以及农村

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：。其他明人奏疏、笔记及清代史料中也有相对分散的关于明代太仓库的记载,皆尽量收集参考。 本文研究表明,明初成立的内库,是一个以负责国家公共事务为主、负责皇室收支为辅的机构。其后,内库所担当的国家公共

我国休闲产业的SWOT分析与对策

作者： 潘媛媛   来源： 燕山大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 休闲农业   休闲食品加工业   休闲旅游业   SWOT分析   休闲产业   休闲  

描述： he promotion, both at china and abroad has aroused widespread concern.

全文：休闲产业作为新兴的服务行业,对全球经济的健康发展起到了相当大的推进作用,已经在国内外引起广泛的关注。社会发展的现状表明,围绕休闲产业进行的各类生产和服务正日益成为经济繁荣的重要因素。因此,加强对休闲

西北少数民族地区乡村社会流动的后果研究

作者： 张文政   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 民族地区   社会流动   后果   西北   乡村  

描述： n the minority areas of the Northwest

全文：认为,西北少数民族地区乡村内社会流动对流入地和流出地工业化和城市化产生巨大推力的同时,也造成流出地农业从业群体弱化、新农村建设主体萎缩等问题;在外出流动中,农村劳动力在见识增长、能力提高的同时,因自身

城乡一体化进程中农业景观之生活美学初探

作者： 袁柳军   来源： 中国美术学院 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 场所精神   多元   城乡一体化   生活美学   近郊农业  

描述： as formed a series of mufti-value connected with productive function gradually during the process of `living'，and it has affected the development of China deeply.

全文：其对当下近郊农业发展和场所精神传承方面的现实意义,并结合实践,就如何解决城乡一体化进程中,近郊农业景观之生活美学的延续问题,提出了自己的设想,希望为当前近郊新农村建设提供借鉴。

我国现代农业发展中金融支持问题研究

作者： 张智河   来源： 中国海洋大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农村金融体系   农村金融需求   现代农业   现代金融  

描述： ment. To crack the

全文：认为:在目前,发展我国农村金融的主要症结包括金融资源主体缺位,非正规金融机构法律缺失,金融风险转移机制薄弱,金融服务体系滞后,土地管理存在缺陷,金融产品创新动能不足,参与资本市场的规模偏小等诸多方面

基于地理标志的初级农产品品牌化建设研究

作者： 李响   来源： 天津大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 初级农产品   地理标志   保护制度   品牌建设  

描述： cts in high price, which would improve the industrialization development.

全文：品牌已经成为21世纪农产品贸易中新的竞争力。农产品品牌建设有利于增强农产品的竞争力,有利于推动农业走产业化经营之路,有利于促进我国新农村建设的发展。作为一种高质量、高档次和高地位的象征,地理标志作为