描述:
the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was
always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with
high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the
selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the
country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether
the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s
decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to
measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s
financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal
interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the
most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by
this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the
minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous.
) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to
Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally
systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems
should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制
) could not effectively
meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in
which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐
) was still
kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐
) was sold into silver and
the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most
of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision
and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from
the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which
was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north
military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too.
All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing
as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming
process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the
systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process
that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic
conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the
Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the
Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the
emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the
Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku.
Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not
mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the
emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s
economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions
between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the
ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who
paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at
the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming
Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the
minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living
conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the
country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under
the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and
Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”(太仓库)
, and aims to draw a line of what
Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In
order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange
the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence.
As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》
) keeps a complete record from the
beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of
Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to
know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status,
this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems,
such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》
), Minghuidian (《明会典》
) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》
),
Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》
) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵
世卿)
, Bi Ziyan (毕自严
), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐
), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of
Revenue (户部尚书
), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important
to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal
collected works or official papers.
This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库
) was an institution both for the
government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period
of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became
mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in
the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign(正统)
, took up more and more public financial duties
of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was
another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving
process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰
), Tianshun(天顺
),Chenghua(成化
) and so on, Taicangku
developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖
), Longqing(隆庆
) and Wanli (万历
). As Taicangku’s
revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the
first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular
expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and
underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural
calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s
expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging
Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger
gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need.
On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept
decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was
unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the
augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of
Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial
difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income
became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept
increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north
military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government
finances.
Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to
the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku,
Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银
).
At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to
provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s
annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular
component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental
administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s
annual silver became one thing.
Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the
documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of
Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s
annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s
Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of
Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between
different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and
there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of
Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli,
the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much
financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its
own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the
Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺
). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted
revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the
previously built warehouse of Taicangku(
Jiuku,
旧库)
stopped increasing and maintained
at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku
provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger
and larger.
At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual
silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to
one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very
important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the
provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver
and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian,屯田
),
peasant-transported tax (Minyun,
民运)
and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military
towns, were still the fundamental part.
The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the
income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However,
in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns
and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming
government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of
the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally
became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the
late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its
yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and
more original amount of income could not be collected.
In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen,
Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation,
Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that
the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record,
which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second
reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax
items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s
expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the
motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last
reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to
the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary.
Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly
system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before
描述:
a crucial componen t of the
Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous region that is under the command of the autonomous region's
party committee. Its major task is to develop the local economy and to partially perform
administrative and legal functions towards the corps reclamation area. It is a special political,
eC01101111C, militaristic and social organization with a long history. It is also undertakes the
important task of implementing strategies for production and for territorial border control.
Such implementation influences both regional and national economic substantiality and
social stability. This article attempts to analyze the relationship between production and
border control while exploring the possible solutions for existing problems within the region,
based on a historical perspective.
There are three chapters in this article. The first chapter introduces the history of
agricultural development and border trooping, based on the practical experiences of Han,
Tang, and Qing Dynasty. The second chapter analyzes the dichotomy of agricultural
production and border trooping. Border trooping needs daily rationing from agricultural
production. Meanwhile, agricultural production is conditioned by border trooping. Border
control is the goal ensured by agricultural productivity. However, the status of each element
differs in different eras. They are the two inseparable elements.
In the third chapter, the author discourses the means of adjusting border control and
production according to the latest domestic and international situations. Since the socialist
economic system is perfecting itself, Chinese mentality is experiencing significant changes.
At the same time, the international situation changes tremendously which makes the
strategic status of the region become more and more important. The production and border
control mission is facing new challenges because of ethnic separatists, terrorists, and
religious extremists. The article is going to provide some constructive suggestions, based on
the mentioned factors.
Under historically new conditions, Bingtuan, as an important part of Xinjiang, as well as
a politics-military-united organization, is carrying out new tasks. To accomplish such tasks,
one needs to comprehend the relationship between agricultural production and border
control correctly, that is to continue both elements' growth in a firm manner. Now, the corps
development is at the door step of a new historic entrance. Therefore, Bingtuan needs to
increase the speed of growth of its economic society in order to perform a better
contribution to the country.
描述:
In history;the central and local separatist all
valued the development of this area. During the Ming and Qing Dynasties,with the renewed
fighting in the northwest, coupled with the rapid growth of the national population, In order to
consolidating border defense and detenting Mainland population pressure,the land development of
this area resumevted,which impacted histoy development of this area very profoundly
Academic research in this area is more included in the academic research for the whole Hexi area
or the entire northwest region, special articles in this area are also mainly concentrated in the lower
reaches of Shiyang River, but these research the upper, middle and lower reaches of the river as a
whole rarely,the connection among the three is.very close essentially.So this object has larger space
to continue researching.
This text includes introduction and body text.the introduction introduces the writing
causes ,implication,and retrospects intellectual history, explains research objectives,Methods and
important and difficult points of this object at the same time.The body text divides into six
chapters.The first chapter analyzes the natural conditions and social infrastructure in this area.The
second chapter mainly deals with immigration status which Ming and Qing government organize
and encourage the population in the mainland move to this area,which provides manpower
resources for agricultural development in this area,and this chapter discusses effectiveness of the
immigration.The third chapter discusses construction of water conservancy which agricultural
development requires,and summarizes pearls and pitfalls of water conservancy construction in
this area during this period.The fourth chapter mainly deals with agricultural development in this
area during the Ming and Qing dynasties,This chapter begin by the reasons for agricultural
development and policies which the government urge and offer for, discusses region of agricultural
development, reclamation success and evolution of tonden in this area during this time.The fifth
chapter mainly discusses environmental problems that because of large-scale development in this
period,and analyzes performance, hazard and measures that local people inoder to protecting the
environment had taken.The sixth chapter summarizes experience and lessons those because of
large-scale development in this period during this time,and explains inspiration for today's
development.
Research of this object is primarily based on literature of the Ming and Qing Dynasties and local
records, and notes data that through field visits get, in order to make the discussion Speci.ficly and
reasonably.
描述:
cultivation development process to
be especialty difficult, frequent occurrence of multiple disasters, the development of the
Northwest Territories are important constraints, the reduction of agricultural land, agriculture,
the substantial loss of population, agriculture, infrastructure damage, agricultural ecological
environment and the poor. Based on this, the north-west areas of the process of agricultural
drought introduced varieties, select a variety of agricultural disaster mitigation technology. In
this paper, the Northwest Territories to explore the Ming and Qing Dynasties of natural
disasters on agricultural production hazards, damage the rural economy and livelihood of the
affected farmers. By the six parts.
描述:
ncentrated v}}ith 85% of the
total dry lands. and it is important for the national economy and the countr<0's strategic
agricultural growth. Northwest arid areas basically depend on natural precipitation. water
shortage has seriously affected the farmers practices. The decision of farmers to plant dry
land is a two-stage decision-making behavior: They first have to decide whether to plant
dry land, and then decide what kind of crops planted in the dry lands. It is essential to find
effective ways to raise the enthusiasm of farmers planting and reasonable arrangements for
dry land crop structure. However. ver}} few people study dry land farming practice from the
perspective of water shortages.
描述:
est region,
which c
ombined with the
water-saving, agricultural soil and water conservation techniques, and then taken "
drought
resistance, reduce erosion, increase efficiency" as a principle.