中国民间剪纸动画创作与研究

作者： 高疏寒   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 动画   陕北民间剪纸   陕北剪纸动画   剪纸动画  

描述： 现代动画作为一种具有独特审美意义的艺术形式,现在已经在全世界范围内得到了普遍发展。它是一种集文学、电影、摄影、音乐、绘画为一体的综合性艺术形式。所以动画的创作和任何艺术作品的创作一样,都离不开民族、环境、时代所带来的影响,尤其是当代动画的发展更加重视民族特性的展示。 本文探讨中国民间艺术与现代动画技

全文：现代动画作为一种具有独特审美意义的艺术形式,现在已经在全世界范围内得到了普遍发展。它是一种集文学、电影、摄影、音乐、绘画为一体的综合性艺术形式。所以动画的创作和任何艺术作品的创作一样,都离不开民族、环境、时代所带来的影响,尤其是当代动画的发展更加重视民族特性的展示。 本文探讨中国民间艺术与现代动画技术相结合的创作与研究,其中主要是将陕北民间剪纸艺术这种独特的艺术语言融入到动画的创作与设计制作中去。从而形成一种具有中国本土特特色的动画片类型——陕北剪纸动画片。陕北民间剪纸是土生土长在陕北的劳动妇女所创作的。经过千年的历史如今已成为陕北民间文化不可缺少的一部分。同时它也是中国民间传统艺术的一个重要的组成部分,是我们中华地地道道的民族艺术。从造型上看,陕北剪纸以直率、简约的表达方式为主,传递给受众的是一种朴实、大气又生动的形象面貌,同时它也具有的原生态的单纯、质朴的艺术品格。在这种看似简单、独特的造型之下它所表现出的内容则是丰富、深远的原始图腾文化的印迹,具有中国本原的哲学观念；陕北民间剪纸的纹饰、花式是中华民族千年历史文化知识和哲学美学观念所积淀而成的,是揭开中华古老文化之谜的“活化石”之一。本文就这一独特的艺术语言,通过对陕北民间剪纸元素表象的提取和梳理,再次将整理好的剪纸元素进行语义的联结与编码和二次创作。主要从影响动画艺术的人文精神、审美品格、题材来源、艺术手法等,探究陕北民间剪纸艺术的独特民族特征和它的旺盛生命力在动画艺术创作中的体现,并较为全面的思考陕北民间剪纸艺术与现代动画技术的相互关系,并寻找陕北民间剪纸艺术与现代动画技术的契合点,希望能够形成较为独特的研究发现,同时也希望能为今后创作真正具有中华民族风格的原创动画精品提供借鉴。其次在动画技术方面,本文通过对以往传统剪纸动画的分析和探讨,总结过去的不足。尝试利用现代动画新技术弥补之前的不足点,在动画视觉效果上有高品质的创新点。希望能探索一条能够更好的体现陕北民间剪纸艺术特点的新途径。利用计算机生成剪纸动画,一方面可以最大限度的降低剪纸动画的制作成本,同时也能提高剪纸动画的制作效率。试图创作出一种全新的动画视觉感受。最后本文以《泥曰》为例,从动画片《泥曰》中的题材选择、造型特点、色彩应用、民间文化内涵和技术应用等几方面全面地分析陕北民间剪纸艺术在现代动画创作中的应用。希望能为今后的陕北民间剪纸动画提供参考。 本文对陕北民间剪纸与现代动画技术的创作与研究不仅为丰富了中国动画艺术形式,对中国剪纸动画的表达也更增填了新的形式；为创作具有中华民族特征的原创精品动画影片提供有利的参考。同时,也为保护中国民间传统文化资源、发扬中国民族精神提供一个新的媒介。实现动画创新和民族传统文化发扬双赢。

农业文化遗产景观研究初探

作者： 赵维真   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2012 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 可持续性旅游   农业文化遗产景观   保护与开发   文化遗产  

描述： 当今世界在经历了十八世纪的工业革命、二十世纪下半叶的经济快速增长之后,步入了全球经济一体化的二十一世纪。世界各国科学研究飞速发展,高新技术日新月异,新生学科应接不暇…..近百年来地球人近乎疯狂地改天换地,把自己原本十分美好的家园弄得面目全非。空前的繁华掩盖不了隐藏着的巨大危机,物种灭绝、灾难频繁、环

全文：当今世界在经历了十八世纪的工业革命、二十世纪下半叶的经济快速增长之后,步入了全球经济一体化的二十一世纪。世界各国科学研究飞速发展,高新技术日新月异,新生学科应接不暇…..近百年来地球人近乎疯狂地改天换地,把自己原本十分美好的家园弄得面目全非。空前的繁华掩盖不了隐藏着的巨大危机,物种灭绝、灾难频繁、环境愈发恶劣等等现象似乎告诉人们：索取多少就必然会付出多少,大自然正在对人类的掠夺给予毫不客气的报复。暮然回首,人们才突然发现已经失去了自己原本美好的家园!面对严酷的现实人类有些不知所措,迫使惊慌之余的人们开始认真反思自身的行为。哥本哈根世界气候变化大会的召开,揭开了人类社会新的一页,也迎来了整个世界发展进步的新时代。“资源、环境、开发、保护”等等问题提上了议程。人们正在进行种种努力,试图找回本来属于自己的对“地球之家”的信任感与稳定感。 在此背景之下,本文通过广泛查阅有关文献资料,在总结归纳提炼相关理论与实践的基础上,试图从人类历史文化遗产、农业文化遗产、农业文化遗产景观、旅游业的发展等诸方面的关系与可持续性发展上进行初步探讨。力求从中找出带有规律性和可操作性的方法,以达到对农业文化遗产保护与旅游业可持续发展有所帮助的目的。总的可概括为农业文化遗产景观的保护开发与旅游业可持续发展的关系。 本文首先探讨了农业文化遗产景观的概念以及与之相关的诸多概念,辨析了它与农业文化遗产之间的异同,在此基础之上又对它们广义与狭义两方面的概念进行了论述与分析探讨,指出了农业文化遗产与人类历史文化遗产之间密不可分的联系；接着对农业文化遗产景观的类型与各自不同的特点、特征进行了对比,引证国内外多处著名农业文化遗产景观,进行深入分析,从起源到背景以及现状娓娓道来,阐述了不同历史时期、不同生态环境、不同人文条件下农业文化遗产景观的演变历程,分析了当前我国农业文化遗产的保护与开发中暴露的诸多问题,提出了重保护、慎开发、谋发展的整体思路；然后,对农业文化遗产景观面临的挑战进行分析,把可持续性发展思想大胆引入文化遗产保护领域,提出了保护发展中应当注重的诸多建议；同时就农业文化遗产景观与旅游业可持续发展的关系进行了深入论述,分别从宏观和微观等不同层面对二者进行了具体分析,探讨了遗产与旅游、保护与发展的理论与举措,以期丰富农业文化遗产景观的保护开发与传承的内涵,进而不断完善理论体系；文章还对农业文化遗产景观和旅游业的可持续发展提出了思考与期望。本文最后根据笔者参与的设计案例,结合农业文化遗产景观的理论研究,在与实践的结合方面进行了进一步阐述,为本文的可操作性作了尝试性探讨。 农业文化遗产景观的保护与开发利用理论是一个严肃的理论体系,是导师根据当前我国国情,经过反复思考,综合多家之言,结合多年的教学实践,提出的一个理论体系,笔者只是在导师严格指导之下,对有关资料进行了初步整理和粗浅分析。其中的观点和结论难免有失偏颇,这个理论是科学发展观的一个重要内容,是一个开放型、创新型的理论,本文如能起到抛砖引玉的作用,能够启发我们的思路,激发热心人士的兴趣,引发业内专业人士的积极回应,进行共同探讨与商榷,即达到本文之目的,亦不负作者之初衷了。

《水经注》研究

作者： 徐中原   来源： 苏州大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 叙事散文   水经   郦道元   水经注   山水散文  

描述： rinciples of the theory" and "holistic principle", as the main study followed the principles and methods, strive to occupy a wealth of research datas, focus on first-hand information from the start, mainly from a literary perspective, but give due consideration to the geographical composition, attempts to have a more thorough and systematic study and discussion.

全文：,叙事服务于地理;叙事简括而清晰,但又详略有度;善于通过对话叙事。其三,《水经注》又是山水写景散文,其写景具有鲜明的特色:自然景观与人文景观和谐统一;善于借用民歌、谣谚、故事传说、前人诗、赋、文等来写

宋代都市笔记研究

作者： 郑继猛   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 《武林旧事》   《东京梦华录》   宋代   都市笔记  

描述： , spiri other cultural elements, etc. as its center.

全文：都市笔记是从都市生活经验出发,以记录城市政治文化、物质文化、精神文化、民俗文化等文化要素为中心的笔记文,也是“士人阶层对他们失去的生活的追记。”宋代都市笔记是宋代笔记的一部分,也是宋代文学的重要

日常生活变迁中的教育

作者： 顾月琴   来源： 华东师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 识字   职业教育   社会变迁   杂字   明清   教材  

描述： ty and

全文：士农工商,四民分业思想古已有之,在奴隶社会和封建社会早期,教育一般是贵族的特权,汉代儒学取得独尊地位,奠定了中国两千多年的教育与文化底蕴。隋唐科举制度实行后,学优则仕便成为普遍法则,四书五经等儒家经典更成为士子读书进仕的法定教科书。他们希冀通过科举考试而跻身封建社会的主流阶层,因此往往追求儒家“修身、齐家、治国、平天下”的精英文化,重人文政务而轻自然科学及技能技艺的学习,导致中国古代农工商等实科教育不发达。明清时期随着商品经济发展,辟土殖谷的农民,作巧成器的百工,通财鬻货的商人,为应对写信记账等生活需求,也有了读书识字的愿望与可能。而科举竞争的激烈,产生了大量的落第文人,这些受过精英教育的落榜者由雅入俗,与市井中人同流,冲破儒家思想约束,编写了大量的杂字教材。这类杂字是我国古代流传在民间与“三百千”并行的识字教材,一般句式短小,语言通俗浅显,内容简单实用。与儒家经典注重修齐治平鄙视工商的思想不同,杂字较少引证古代圣贤言论,除介绍人情世故及自然科学外,还大胆传授农业生产知识、商业经验、百工技艺等实科内容,将识字教育、知识教育及职业教育融为一体,是普通百姓生活中的百科全书,促进了中国古代民间教育的发展。 因此,从某种意义上可以认为,杂字成书从体例到内容都是对汉代以来“经学”传统的背叛,元代政府甚至明令限制乡塾使用“杂字”教学,似可作为历代统治者对其抱有偏见的旁证。但由于杂字顺应时代发展趋势,迎合百姓“积财千万,不如薄技在身”的观念,因此明清时期杂字种类增多,内容也日益丰富,它的读者不限年龄,不拘身份,成为当时中下层百姓接受教育的主要途径。事实上,发展到明清时期,杂字已逐渐突破识字教材的功能,成为对底层百姓进行知识教育及职业教育的实用教材。由此,儒家精英教育与杂字大众教育相结合,满足了不同阶层的文化需求,中国教育出现了事实上的“双轨制”,使中国传统文化以无所不在的力量渗透于社会各个角落,促进了中国古代文化的繁荣及教育的普及。杂字非但在中原地区广泛流传,而且还被少数民族学习采纳,出现了少数民族杂字。杂字甚至还跨洋越海,远播台湾、日本等地,对这些地区的教育与文化做出了贡献。因此作为中国民间俗文化的一部分,杂字在中国教育史及文化史上应占有一席之地,其功不可没! 本论文从大量原始资料入手,追溯杂字从古至今的历史轨迹,力求透析商品经济发展下,明清杂字盛行原因及其特点,并寻求杂字与社会变迁的内在张力,以期为当今中国的教材改革、扫盲教育及农村教育提供借鉴作用。全文包括正文和结语部分,正文部分共分五章: 第一章:分别论述本论文的研究缘起、研究综述、研究方法及论文基本框架等内容。 第二章:主要追溯了杂字的历史轨迹。杂字作为书名起源较早,远在汉魏时代已有所见,《隋书·经籍志》就著录多种杂字,但这批早期杂字多已亡佚。宋以后识字课本丰富多样,杂字也成为当时百姓子弟农闲时接受教育的常用教材。明清时期杂字获得长足发展,其种类渐趋繁多,内容也日益丰富。民国期间新学兴起但依然有百姓使用杂字教学,建国初期及改革开放后,为配合扫盲教育全国各地也编写了多种杂字教材。 第三章:讨论明清时期杂字在民间盛行的原因。明清时期随着商品经济的繁荣,城乡生活的变迁,人们日常经济生活需要一定的读写能力。价值观念的转变,科举竞争的加剧,“弃儒经商”成为社会发展的趋势,而市民阶层的壮大,激发了市民阶层主体本身对精神生活的向往,他们对通俗娱乐的需求,包括对读物的需求日渐明显。北宋以来印刷术的广泛应用,为杂字的刊行提供了技术条件。明清时期私塾教育极大发展,杂字也被大量用作补充教材。因此明清时期杂字种类渐趋增多,内容日益丰富,并在民间广为流传。 第四章:系统分析杂字与其他蒙学教材相比的不同特点。传统蒙学教材注重灌输儒家伦理道德,尤其是两宋后受理学思想影响,许多蒙学教材更多抽象的道德说教。而杂字教法灵活,内容多为日常事物名称及农工商等实科知识,贴近百姓实际生活,多用方言口语,通俗易懂,有的还蕴含敦亲睦族、勤俭节约、惜时上进、反对迷信等思想教化,将识字教育、知识教育、职业教育与思想教育融为一体,具有浓厚的生活气息和实用价值,大大便利和丰富了百姓日常生活,促进了我国古代民间职业教育的发展。 第五章:研究了杂字在国内外的流播情况,包括中原西北部边疆少数民族及台湾、日本等地的杂字,介绍了与杂字类似的明清商业书,分析了杂字与传统识字教材“三百千”的异同。民国期间新式学堂普遍建立但杂字依然为百姓所接受,建国初期及改革开放后,为配合农村扫盲教育,全国编写了各类杂字教材来提高农民的文化水平,这些都体现出杂字对后世教育的深远影响。 该论文结语部分指出杂字与社会变迁密切相关,它不仅是民间识字课本,更是对底层百姓进行知识教育和职业教育的实用教材。杂字与儒家经典命运迥异,虽然没有受到封建统治者应有的重视,但对普及我国大众教育做出了巨大贡献,为民国时期包括建国后的农村教育、成人扫盲教育及基础教育课程改革等提供了一定的借鉴作用。

区域农业观光旅游资源开发潜力评价体系理论构建与实践

作者： 杨晓美   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 发展潜力   多层次灰色评价   秦岭北麓   区域农业旅游资源  

描述： opment of agricultural tourism and to obtain economic, social and environmental benefits of the measure of potential, but also for the effective protection and rational exploitation of its resources of great significance.

全文：仅有利于丰富和深化区域旅游资源评价的理论和方法,也有利于确保秦岭北麓农业旅游资源的永续利用。 文研究的主要问题有:论述了论文的研究背景、研究意义、研究方法及思路,并回顾国内外旅游地评价的研究进展。主要介绍

中国农业伦理问题研究

作者： 方金   来源： 山东农业大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农业政策伦理   农业环境与资源伦理   农业伦理   伦理型农业体系   农产品生产与交易伦理  

描述： 农业是国民经济的基础,三农问题一直是党和国家十分重视的重大问题。改革开放以来,我国农村政策有了很大调整,农村经济得到了快速发展,农产品的生产和交易空前繁荣,农业新技术日新月异,农村面貌和农民生活有了很大改善。然而,在这些重大变化的同时,农业领域以及农产品生产与交易过程中也出现了许多问题,比如:生物技

全文：伦理学的角度探讨农产品生产与交易过程中的伦理问题,并就伦理型农业生产和农产品交易战略的构建进行了研究。最后,对我国更加公正和合乎伦理的农业体系构建提出了初步设想。 本文的主要研究内容和结论如下: 1

庄子生态美学思想研究

作者： 赵凤远   来源： 山东大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 重生观   庄子   天道观   齐物观   生态美学  

描述： 庄子是先秦时期道家学派的创始人之一,他被雅斯贝尔斯称为"轴心时代"的思想家,而轴心时代产生的思想几乎蕴涵了后世所有文化观念的因子,从而能够长久惠及后世并具有永久的价值。中国古代农耕社会的现实与动荡不安的社会环境促使庄子深入思考了人与自然的关系问题。这些思考呈现出"天人合一"(万物一体)的总体特征,其

全文：庄子是先秦时期道家学派的创始人之一,他被雅斯贝尔斯称为"轴心时代"的思想家,而轴心时代产生的思想几乎蕴涵了后世所有文化观念的因子,从而能够长久惠及后世并具有永久的价值。中国古代农耕社会的现实与动荡不安的社会环境促使庄子深入思考了人与自然的关系问题。这些思考呈现出"天人合一"(万物一体)的总体特征,其中蕴涵着丰富的古典形态的生态美学智慧。为了准确地揭示庄子的生态美学思想,本论文分以下几个部分: "导论"说明了庄子生态美学思想研究的选题依据、研究方法、研究现状和写作思路。"选题依据"包括现实依据和理论依据,说明进行这项研究是建设当代生态文明和生态美学观的需要。"研究方法"说明本文是在马克思历史唯物主义的统帅下,借助当代存在论哲学为指导,认为只有立足于"存在论"的"此在与世界"的在世方式才能获得人与自然、生态与人文的统一。同时它也是架通中西美学研究的桥梁。"研究现状"既概括综述了庄子生态美学思想研究的前期成果,又指出了本文在前人已经取得的成就的基础上所做的一点努力。"写作思路"主要说明了进行整体性研究的必要性和本文大致的思路。 第一章分析了庄子生态美学思想的形成背景。首先,本章分析了庄子生态美学思想的文化背景。神话传说、图腾崇拜、巫术仪式都是在理论形态的"天人合一"观念形成以前就已经存在的文化现象,但是它们都在不同程度上传递了"万物一体"、"天人相通"的观念,传递了万物"共生共荣"的观念,这些观念蕴涵的生态智慧影响了庄子的生活方式和思维习惯。其次,本章分析了庄子生态美学思想形成的理论背景。《易经》作为中国古代文化的源头之一,它所包含的"天人合德"思想蕴涵着丰富的生态智慧。老子是道家的创始人,他的思想、特别是他的"道",蕴涵了丰富的生态智慧。再次,本章分析了庄子生态美学思想形成的现实背景。中原地区长期的开发和利用虽然创造了灿烂的农业文明,但是也破坏了本地区的生态环境,同时也引发了一些有效利用生态资源的思想或智慧。春秋战国时期剧烈变化的时代背景又进一步激发了社会生态方面的危机。这些都为庄子生态审美智慧的产生准备了丰厚的现实条件。 第二章分析了庄子"天道观"的生态美学思想。"道为万物之本"的观点说明了"道"是庄子生态美学思想的最根本的概念。庄子继承了老子"道的本根说"和"道法自然说",在此基础上对道的看法又有一些新的发展,提出了"道无所不在"的思想。庄子在老子更多地关注"道的本原性"的基础上进一步关注"道的遍在性",强调"道"的整体作用、并提出"自然化生"的思想。"道无所不在"的思想成为庄子生态美学思想的重要根源之一。"以天为宗"的观点说明了"天"是庄子生态美学思想的另一个最根本的概念。人们一般将其作为道的从属范畴来理解,这有一定的局限性。庄子将"天"提升为一个与道具有同等重要地位的范畴。天的自然性是最突出的特征。"天"代表着自然事物的原生态或天地万物自然而然的本性,但是庄子的"天"在很大程度上又具有神秘性特征,天的自然性和神秘性是浑然融为一体的。庄子所提出的"以天为宗"、"天而不人"、"人与天一"、"无以人灭天"等思想都蕴涵着丰富的生态美学观念。庄子"安时而处顺"的思想也是其"宗天"观念的体现。 第三章分析了庄子"齐物观"的生态美学思想。"齐物观"所蕴涵的平等内涵和理想境界是庄子生态美学思想的具体体现。它说明了人与自然万物之间应该保持一种"平等共生"的和谐关系。"齐物观"是"道无所不在"思想的最好说明,丰富了"万物一体"的生态审美观念。庄子的"齐物观"有着深厚的文化基础。本章探讨了诸子有关人与万物关系的思想对庄子的影响,并且从文字源流的角度阐述了"齐"字的初始内涵。庄子站在"道"的立场上看待人类和万物的生存,提出了一系列富有"生态平等"蕴涵的思想观念。"天钧"与"天倪"的思想蕴涵着古典生态环链意识和审美境界观念。"吾丧我"与"物化"的思想蕴涵着对"自我中心"的自觉放弃。"无用之用"的思想蕴涵着一种符合生态的价值观念。"天地与我并生,而万物与我为一"的思想则蕴涵着倡导"平等共生"的生态情怀。"以遂群生"的思想则蕴涵着为了使其他生命能够理想化生存应该对人的活动进行限制的观念。 第四章分析了庄子"重生观"的生态美学思想。"重生观"所蕴涵的尊重人与自然万物生命的思想也是庄子生态美学思想的具体体现。本章主要论述了庄子对个体生命的重视。"重生观"更多地体现于如何通过现实的生活实践和人生的修养去实现所追求的境界。这也是一个生态审美实践的话题。庄子"重生观"蕴涵着丰富的生态美学思想。首先,庄子重视"养生"。庄子认识到人与人之间、人与自然之间之所以存在不和谐的现象,是因为人不能站在"道"的立场上看问题。为了达到"重生"的目的,庄子认为必须通过"心斋"、"坐忘"等精神修养的方式,回归自然之道。其次,庄子重视"游世"。现实社会中充满了令人极度压抑和愤懑的现象,生命在那个时代显得脆弱和微不足道,如何从乱世中求得生存,庄子主张游于"人间世"。庄子"游世"思想的背后还包含着"逍遥游"这层意思。"逍遥游"更加侧重于精神境界的超越性。"游世观"体现了一种生存的策略和方式。最后,庄子重视"乐生"。乐生蕴涵着一种生态之乐,它主要体现在对自然生命的关爱与欣赏、对人生死现象的达观以及对于理想生态社会的向往。"乐生"是"重生"的最高理想和现实归宿。 第五章分析了庄子生态美学思想的当代价值和意义。这种当代价值和意义主要体现在对当代人追求审美的生存所具有的启示:首先,庄子智慧地预言了生态灾难,对于人们生态危机意识的形成具有警示作用:其次,庄子的"齐物观"有助于人们形成正确的"生态平等"意识和审美境界;第三,庄子的"重生观"有助于人们从事生态实践活动和审美生存;最后,庄子"天道观"促使人们对大自然保持适度的尊重和敬畏,限制和削弱了人们对自然界的妄自尊大的任意征服行为。 结束语:庄子生态美学思想对于当代人的审美生存具有一定的现实价值和意义,但是我们不应忘记其还具有相当大的历史局限性。庄子生态美学思想毕竟是农业文明时代的产物,具有很强的经验性和直观性。如果要使其发挥应有的作用,我们应该发掘其积极的一面,使其与当代形态的生态理论相结合,实现一种现代性的转换。

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：库制度、地位做横向断面的详细剖析。万历中后期户部尚书赵世卿所作《司农奏议》、崇祯初户部尚书毕自严的《度支奏议》、《石隐园藏稿》及崇祯末年户部尚书倪元璐的《倪文贞集》等,皆收录作者关于太仓库的许多疏牍