马疏及“日损益斋”诗文研究

作者： 王忠禄   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 马疏   农事诗   唱和诗   陇右地域文化   陇右文学精神   日损益斋古文   陇右文学   日损益斋古今体诗   题画诗  

描述： e points about studying of Longyou area literature.

全文：： 其一,文学体裁单一,但诗歌成就突出。清代中叶,社会进入全面繁盛时期。这时候,统治者对表现盛世气象有更加明确的要求,儒家注重诗歌政教作用的传统得到统治者的进一步提倡。[1]所以,相较于其他样式的作品

清代陕北饮食文化探微

作者： 高媛   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 物产资源   清代陕北地区   饮食文化  

描述： Diet is playing a foundamental role in the development of human beings, and only with it can human's existence and growth move on.

全文：饮食是人类生存的基础,离开饮食,人类的存在、发展都将不可能继续。关于饮食及饮食文化的研究在我国的历史并不长,却取得了一些研究成果,在饮食通论、饮食礼俗等方面都出现了不少著作。近年来,又掀起了地域文化研究热,地方饮食成为饮食文化研究的重要内容。然而,名地名吃的饮食文化研究成果已非常多,对历史上并不显赫的地域饮食文化研究不多或在某些方面竟成了空白。本文即以饮食学界长期忽略的陕北地区为研究对象,探讨清代陕北地区的饮食文化。文章结构及主要内容如下： 绪论部分从选题的意义、清代陕北饮食文化研究的现状分析、所要研究的内容及方法三方面进行总体概述,阐明本文选题的重要性及清代陕北饮食文化研究的欠缺性,同时说明本文的主要内容和研究方法。 第一章从陕北自然地理环境(地貌特征、气候条件、河流与水文)入手,探讨自然环境对人们饮食的影响,说明不同的生态环境造就不同的文化类型。通过叙述自然地理环境状况,使人们了解陕北地区的自然条件,并指出在这块贫瘠的土地上,其物产之丰富性远不如沃野之地,分析了陕北自然地理环境与饮食之间的关系。 第二章主要从清代陕北地区的人口与屯垦、粮食作物及其生产、饮食资源及其分布三方面论述清代陕北地区的饮食。通过对人口与屯垦的论述,使人们了解饮食是在人、地共同协作的基础上产生的。粮食是人类生存的基本保证,因此对粮食作物整体情况做了简单的介绍并对饮食资源通过列表进行分析,使人们更直观地看到清代陕北地区饮食资源的分布状况。 第三章探讨清代陕北地区的饮食加工。这一部分从谷物加工的方式入手,进而写到饮食的炊具及烹饪方式与食品的制法。 第四章是本文的主体部分,从日常饮食、时节饮食、婚丧宴饮、灾荒年间的饮食、饮食禁忌五个方面来论述清代陕北地区的饮食状况。通过对日常饮食、时节饮食、婚丧饮食的论述使人们对清代陕北地区的饮食状况有一个全面的了解。灾荒年间的饮食比较特殊,通过对它的叙述,使人们对清代陕北的饮食就会有更深的了解。饮食禁忌是从另一个侧面对清代陕北地区饮食状况的述写。 第五章分析总结出清代陕北饮食文化有五大特点,即五谷杂粮为其主食、酒穿全节、多元性、社会性、地域性。透过这些特点,使人们对陕北地区的饮食文化有更深刻的理解。 最后一部分为结语,对全文进行概括总结。

清代伊犁社会经济研究

作者： 张文亚   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 清代   伊犁   社会经济  

描述： After unifying Xinjiang, Qing dynasty established General governance system to govern Xinjiang on the foundation of early Qing dynasty.

全文：清政府统一新疆后,伊犁成为全疆政治、军事、经济、文化的中心。后沙俄侵占大片土地,伊犁遂为边城,首府也迁往乌鲁木齐。新疆建省后设立府县制,伊犁九城中的绥定成为伊犁府的治所,中心城市由惠远转为宁远城。清代伊犁在整个新疆以至在我国西北边疆中具有极其重要战略地位,其社会经济发展的整体水平有很大的提高,为其以后更大的发展奠定了较好的基础。 该文以科学发展观为指导,运用专门史、历史地理学中有关区域开发的基本原理,系统地、深入地研究有清一代伊犁社会经济发展的历史过程,着重对其在清代各个不同时段的经略思想、经济政策的制定和实施、民族和人口的迁移分布、农业屯垦及水利建设的兴衰、农作物的种植与分布、开垦范围的消长和移动、畜牧业的发展以及工矿铸造业、商业贸易和城镇交通的发展状况等,进行全方位、多层次的考察,力求真实地反映其变化过程,总结其发展的经验教训,找出其中若干带有规律性的东西;并对在人类的开发活动影响下伊犁河谷的生态环境的演变及其机制进行研究,以期以伊犁河谷的研究为典型“个案”,为专门史、区域历史地理的学科建设作出贡献,为今天西部大开发中伊犁地区的经济建设及经济社会的可持续发展提供切实的有益的历史借鉴。

清代河西走廊土地利用及其环境效应

作者： 张钰   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 河西走廊   土地利用/土地覆被的变化   环境效应   历史地理  

描述： f the earth's surface.Therefore,it has great benefit for clarifying the mutual action between human beings and land and their change principles in the historical period when the land use and the land cover changes are chosen as the study perspective.

全文：土地利用是人类活动作用于自然环境的主要途径之一,是导致地表覆被变化的主导因素。因此,以历史时期土地利用、土地覆被变化作为研究视角对明晰各历史时期人地互动及其变迁规律大有裨益。20世纪90年代中期,国际地圈生物圈计划(IGBP)和全球环境变化人文因素计划(IHDP)提出把过去300年中土地利用、土地覆被变化的基本面貌列为重点研究的问题。特别是1999年,在由中国科学院和北京大学联合起草的《过去2000年中国环境变化综合研究》预研究报告列出了五个研究重点,明确地将历史时期土地利用、土地覆被变化列入其中。这为以研究人地关系为核心内容的历史地理学赋予了新的使命,此后围绕历史时期土地利用、土地覆被变化的研究工作被迅速提上日程。 河西走廊地处祖国大陆腹地,曾是西北地区经济发展的一颗璀璨的明珠,创造了辉煌灿烂的走廊文明。然而明清以降,人们对土地资源肆意开发利用,并且日益演化为一系列生态问题,由于这些生态隐患得不到根治而使生态环境愈加恶化,而这正是酿成今天河西走廊成为典型生态脆弱区的主要原因。本文即着眼于此,阐释了清代人们对河西走廊土地利用及其驱动因子,揭示了土地利用、土地覆被变化与环境效应之间的关系,认为今天恶劣的生态环境与不合理的土地利用有着莫大的关系,探讨这些问题期望对今天河西走廊生态环境的治理有所启示。全文共为六章,第一章绪论部分论述了本区土地利用的研究现状和选题意义, 其余共五章可分为四个部分: 第一部分通过介绍河西地区的自然地理特征和社会经济特征,明确了河西走廊的区域属性,阐明土地利用开发的自然基础和人文环境。 第二部分从宏观层面分析了清代河西走廊土地垦殖数量的动态变化,土地利用类型划分,并揭示由土地利用变化对森林、绿洲等土地覆被的影响。同时,该部分还分析造成土地利用变化的可能性人文驱动因子和自然制约因素。 第三部分阐释土地利用变化产生的生态环境效应,主要体现在自然植被惨遭破坏,土地沙化加剧和自然灾害频繁发生三个方面。 第四部分是对全文的总结。首先,总结了清代河西走廊土地利用中存在的开发利用与保护失调的问题;其次,鉴往知来,从清代河西走廊土地利用中吸取的经验教训对今天河西地区的土地利用提供借鉴意义。

中国传统水车研究

作者： 方立松   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 传统水车   农具史   农田灌溉  

描述： large-scale farming tool that can water continuously from the ground-surface water in the rivers, lakes, or pools, and is mainly applied to lifting water to the high ground or drain water in the low-lying farmland. Due to the reason that the traditional

全文：传统水车,即人们通常所称的“翻车”和“筒车”,是一种能从江湖河塘等地表水中不间断持续汲水的大型农业机具,主要用于高地提水、低田排水。由于某种程度上,传统农业是灌溉农业,所以车灌在传统农业生产中的地位十分重要。在我国南方稻作区,水车是家家必需之物。人们用它进行排灌,来调节和改变农田水分状况和区域水利条件,达到符合发展农业生产的要求。通过排灌,一方面扩大水田灌溉面积,实现增产,另一方面减轻水旱灾害损失,达到保产。传统水车在促进农业经济发展的同时,自身也不断发展与完善,具有以下四个特点：一是产生时间早。距今有一千八九百年,比西方水车早一千五百年。二是种类繁多,形制复杂,动力多样。为适应各地水文、地理等自然条件的复杂性和农业生产不断发展的需求,传统水车因地制宜发展、形成一个庞大的家族体系,翻车有手摇翻车、脚踏翻车、牛转翻车、水转翻车,筒车有水转筒车、驴转筒车、高转筒车、水转高车。动力除人力外,还有畜力、水力、风力。传统水车是中国传统灌溉器具的代表。三是应用广泛、推广力度大。不仅在南方稻作区普及,而且扩张到北方,还远播海外。四是经济效益显著。水车技术的进步,能直接转化为生产力,对农业生产的促进作用巨大。 传统水车最早为东汉末年毕岚创制、三国马钧改良,时称翻车,为后世龙骨水车之前身。翻车的出现开创了人类从江湖河渠中汲水的新纪元,预示着灌溉史上水车时代的到来。翻车随南迁的移民来到南方,成为南方水田排灌的重要器具。唐宋时期,随着南方经济中心的确立,翻车在南方日益普及,尤其在平原水乡大显身手,为南方稻作经济发展发挥了重要作用。筒车产生于唐代,是一种依靠水流转动的灌溉器具。水力的利用,是水车技术发展的第二个高峰。宋以后,筒车开始兴盛,在南方一些山地丘陵水力资源丰富的地区得到推广,成为山地灌溉之利器。宋元时期,传统水车经过不断演进、定型,渐成体系。明清时期,传统水车进一步完善,出现了两极化现象：一种是小型化的拔车；一种是大型化的风力翻车和兰州水车。风力的出现把传统水车技术推向了第三个高峰。近代以来,传统水车发展停滞不前,在先进的新式排灌机具面前渐显颓势,虽经上世纪五六十年代的改良,性能有所改善,但终在现代化潮流的冲击下,被新动力排灌机械取而代之,于八九十年代渐渐消失在田间地头,垄断了近两千年农田排灌的水车时代就此终结。 传统水车内部结构复杂,制作工艺难度大,“关楗颇多,必用木匠可易成造”,它体现了古代劳动人民的造物智慧,内含深刻的古代中国人的设计思想,即随地所宜；工役俱省；善假于物,凭智巧先；一器多用。通过对传统水车结构设计、工作原理、材料工艺、视觉设计等的解剖和分析,可以了解传统水车的技术信息,而对每一种水车的工作原理图、三视图、整体结构图、局部图等的大量绘制,则使水车形象更直观和具体。 传统水车是人们生产生活重要的汲水工具,用途广泛,它不仅普遍运用于灌溉与排涝等农业生产领域,而且在济漕保运、沿海制盐等非农业方面也发挥了重要的作用。传统水车虽功效显著,但在实际应用中灌溉能力、灌溉效率存有差异。总体上,无论从能力还是效率上,筒车为最高,其次是风力翻车和畜力翻车,再次是脚踏翻车,最后是手摇翻车。 明清时期是传统水车推广力度最大、应用最普及的时期,这不仅得益于良好的自然环境,而且与当时的社会环境密不可分,如蓄、引、提一体化；水车与各种水利设施紧密配合；水车作为灌溉过程的终端技术得到重视和应用；一些地方官把水车作为惠民措施积极推广等。这一时期传统水车分布区域之广是前所未有的,在我国东南、中南、西南、北方等广大区域里都有水车应用与推广的大量文献记载,特别在江浙、两湖、两广、四川等地,不仅各式水车都有用武之地,而且形成了区域特色。随着稻作区的扩大,水车在北方也得到了大力推广,尤以京津地区和西北兰州地区最为典型。传统水车是中国古代科学技术的一个缩影,它在风力出现后并未进一步发展到机械动力,而长时期陷入停滞时期。用技术传播理论分析水车技术传播链中给体(木匠)、中介体(地方官员)、接收体(农户)三个主要环节之间的关系,发现在封建社会里三者关系中的先天性不足,即给体和接受体过于弱小,中介体过于强大。官强民弱使水车发展缺乏自身内在动力。 传统水车对社会与百姓生活的渗透与影响是多方面的和复杂的。水车所有权和水车资源调剂,反映了水车拥有权背后的农村社会阶层属性和传统社会的人际特征。关于水车的各种传说以及水车生活形成的种种习俗与禁忌,揭示了千百年来水车对百姓生活、信仰、价值观的影响,如稻作区广泛存在的水车崇拜是一种龙崇拜,反映了中国人世俗信仰和实用的价值观；在水车上的写字习俗寄托了农家对水车带来丰收的美好愿望；水车号子、女人车水、水车鼓是水车在使用过程中产生的习俗,淋漓尽致地反映了江南农家特有的车水生活原貌。水车与文化的关系是互动的,一方面,水车对生产生活的渗透是深层次的,形成了特有的水车文化现象；另一方面,水车文化反映了传统农耕社会的生活和价值取向。 从机械史角度来看,水车结构复杂,有连杆曲柄结构、轮轴齿轮机构、链结构、自动调节结构等,体现了中国古代机械的特点,反映中国古代科学技术的先进性和成就,主要表现在技术的创新性、综合性、互补性上；从动力上看,由人力、畜力逐渐上升到水力和风力自然能的应用,几乎达到我国古代动力应用的最高峰,代表了我国古代在动能利用上的卓越成就；在精耕细作农具体系中,水车作为水田农具体系之子系统,代表了中国古代灌溉器具的最高水平,难以替代,它与耕种等其他农具系列互相配合,发挥各自作用,共同为农业生产提供技术支撑。中国传统水车在属于它的那个时代,走在世界的前列。中国是传统水车技术的发源地。唐以后水车不断外传,东传朝鲜、日本,南传东南亚,西传西方。传统水车的外传促进了当地农业生产的发展,改善了当地人的生活。是古代中国对世界农业文明的独特贡献,在中外科技交流史上占有一席之地。传统水车原先的灌溉功能消失后,人们把它作为旅游景观来开发,把它当作农业时代的符号在现代媒介中显现,传统水车作为民俗文化的重要内容,重新焕发出一种新的生命力,凸现出一种与众不同的审美价值。 我们研究水车的目的,不是推崇传统水车体现的技术内涵和技术高度,不是返回到传统民间社会生活状态下,那种自给自足的自然经济生活方式,而是寻觅传统的历史遗产对于现代社会的有益启示,毕竟现代科技的进步已使它逐渐成为一道景观。这种启示可以总结为三点：一是技术的进步只有结合自然环境才能焕发出持久的生命力；二是合理开发利用自然能源；三是传统水车的核心文化价值是人与自然、社会的和谐。

曹魏两大政治集团论析

作者： 王建明   来源： 山东大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 曹魏政治集团   汝颍   谯沛  

描述： Group headed by Cao Cao, Shuzhong Group led by Liu Bei, Jiangdong Group led by Sun Quan. The political bloc led by Cao Cao had the most abundant strength and talents came forth in large numbers. During the long-term expedition two major factions within formed: Ru一Ying Group and Qiao Pei Group. Ru-Ying Group charged civil service mainly and Qiao Pei Group was mainly made up of generals. These two groups had a long-term punitive expedition since Cao Cao fought against Dong Zhuo. Finally they unified vast areas of Northern China and carried out fruitful management, which avoided serious damage in the region by a long war and laid a good economic, political and military foundation for the unification of China in the future. Cao Cao fought against Dong Zhuo at the beginning, seizing Yanzhou, Zhangxiu, Xuhuai, Guandu, the four states, Wuhuan and Jingzhou, beat the seemingly invincible powerful opponents one after another. His forces got stronger and stronger. The two major political groups of Cao Wei supported Caocao on political and military aspects. Because these two groups represented the interests of their own, inevitably buried hidden dangers of can get on well with in adversity but can not share wealth. Ru-Ying Group is represented by the family of Han who was in the name of safeguarding the rule of the Eastern Han dynasty but to protect their interests. They can support Cao Cao's domination, but resolutely oppose his taking over Han dynasty. Qiao Pei Group on behalf of Cao Cao's family numbers who wished to gain greater benefits through Cao Cao's taking over Han dynasty. AD 209 years, The Battle of Red Cliff, which was Cao Cao's great cause of reunification of the most important ended in failure. As the highest strategic staff groups, Ru Ying Group throughout the campaign process simultaneously inconceivable aphasia, and the army of Cao Cao was defeated. Cao Cao became unable to dominate the country again in the rest of his life. This result was what Sun Quan, Liu Bei would like to see, Ru Ying Group was also willing to see it. From the historical records there was no record of staff at the Advanced Medium's death to give people the impression that Ru-Ying Group seemed to have known the defeat in advance. When Cao Cao was still alive, Qiao Pei Group holded the upper hand. But after the death of Cao Cao, Ru-Ying Group strongly supported Cao Pi to be the king. Finally Chen Qun put forward "Jiupinzhongzheng system", which established the family of Han's political monopoly. The two major political groups gradually moved towards a balance. After the death of Wei Ming King, the two major political groups split from co-operation, eventually formed a situation of endless immortality. Cao Shuang and He Yan of Qiao Pei Group were launched by Sima Yi through Gaopingling case when the situation was good. Sima Yi killed Cao Shuang and holded military and political power in the country. He cruelly blowed members of the Group Qiao Pei through a series of charges against them. Then, Jin Dynasty took place Wei. Ru-Ying Group obtained a comprehensive win. While Qiao Pei Group after its three generations with a heavy heart exit stage of history.

全文：东汉末年,群雄并起,战乱频繁,最终形成以曹操为首的曹魏集团、刘备为首的蜀中集团、孙权为首的江东集团,其中以曹操为首的政治军事集团实力最为雄厚,人材辈出,并在长期征战中形成了内部的两大派别:汝颍集团和谯沛集团,汝颍集团多以文官为主,谯沛集团多以统兵大将为主,这两大集团从曹操起兵讨董卓始就围绕在曹操身边进行了长期的南征北战,最终统一了中国北方的广大地区,并对这一地区进行了卓有成效的管理,避免了长期战乱对这一地区的严重破坏,为日后中国的统一打下了良好的经济、政治和军事基础。 从曹操自伐董卓始,夺兖州、征张绣、平徐淮、战官渡、定四州、征乌桓、占荆州,击败了一个又一个貌似强大不可战胜的对于,势力由小到大,由弱到强。曹魏两大政治集团从政治军事上给予了曹操重大支持:挟天子以令诸侯、行屯田之法从政治、经济上占据丰动,夺兖州、征张绣、平徐淮、战官渡、定四州、征乌桓、占荆州,军事上占据有利位置。 曹魏集团内部这两大政治集团自跟随曹操进行南征北战之日起,由于各自代表的集团利益的不同,不可避免地埋下了可以共患难、不能共富贵的隐患。汝颍集团代表的是以维护东汉没落统治为名,保护自身在东汉末期的利益为实的世家大族,他们可以支持曹操独霸一方,却坚决反对曹操代汉;而谯沛集团代表的是通过战争军功或因为战乱获得高位的曹氏宗族及新贵们,他们希望通过曹操代汉获得更大的利益。 公元209年,在曹操统一大业中最重要的赤壁之战竟然以惨败告终,而作为最高战略参谋集团的汝颍集团竟然在整个战役过程中不可思议的同时失语,而久经战阵的曹操大军也是一败千里,至此,曹操在其有生之年再无力一统天下。从反对曹操代汉的角度来看,这个结果是孙权、刘备愿意看到的,而汝颍集团也是愿意这一结果出现的,从历史记载中没有记录高级参谋人员在此次大败中丧命,倒让人感觉到汝颍集团似乎早知有此一败一般。 曹操在世之时,曹魏两大政治集团谯沛集团占据上风,但是汝颍集团通过曹操立嗣,极力支持曹丕继位,并在曹操去世后积极支持曹丕称帝获拥立之功,最终由陈群提出“九品中正制”从制度上确立世家大族的政治垄断,两大政治集团力量逐步走向均衡。 魏明帝去世后,曹魏两大政治集团从合作最终走向分裂,最终形成了不死不休的局面。谯沛集团的曹爽、何晏在形势一片大好的情况下,被司马懿发动高平陵事件,罢废曹爽(之后灭三族),独掌军国大权,并通过一系列的罪名对谯沛集团的成员进行残酷打击。自后以晋代魏,以汝颍为代表的世家大族取得了全面胜利,而最初随曹操南征北战的谯沛集团在其三代后黯然退出了历史舞台。

甘肃省黄河沿岸地区水资源承载能力分析

作者： 刘建兰   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 甘肃省   沿黄地区   水资源   承载能力   系统动力学  

描述： th, the demand of water resource is continuously increasing. That is to say water shortage has become a global problem. Water resources carrying capacity is the basis and prerequisite of regional socio-economic development, which is significant to realize the coordinated development of regional "water resources- ecological environment-socio-economy" composite system. So it has become the focus and hot topic in water science field nowdays.

全文：水资源是人类生存和社会发展最重要的基础资源,随着世界各国经济和人口的增长,水资源的需求量不断增加,水资源短缺已经成为全球性问题。水资源承载能力对于实现区域“水资源一生态环境一社会经济”复合系统的协调发展具有重要意义,是区域社会经济发展的基础和前提,已成为当前水科学研究领域中的重点和热点问题之一。 研究区位于黄河上游,以兰州为中心、黄河为轴线,地处甘肃腹地,是甘肃河东、河西两大块的连接地带,属于半干旱向干旱过渡的地带。这里也是我国西北地区的地理要冲,自古以来就是沟通西域与内地的咽喉所在,为著名的古丝绸之路的必经之地。这里集中了全省主要的现代工业力量和科技教育资源,已成为甘肃乃至西北地区经济增长的核心区域,具有极其重要的战略地位。新中国成立60年以来,以农田灌溉为主的农业开发有力地推动了这一地区工业化、城镇化过程,如今已实现了初步工业化。作为黄河上游地区的人口和产业密集区,其可持续发展对甘肃、西北地区乃至黄河流域都会产生深远的影响。 本文以此地区的各县级单元为对象进行水资源承载能力的研究,根据对未来各年份水资源承载能力预测结果提出相应的区域发展对策,对社会经济发展具有重要意义。本文采用《甘肃省主体功能区规划——水资源可利用量研究专题》中的水资源数据,水资源评价资料所用数据为1956-2006年的平均值,大约为75%的保证率；社会经济数据来自《甘肃农村年鉴》(1993-2007年)。分析时段：以2006年为初始年份,预测年份为2015、2020和2030年。 首先,本文在文献资料搜集、分析的基础上,从理论上对水资源承载能力进行综述及探讨；并结合甘肃省沿黄地区的自然地理、社会经济以及水资源概况,通过构建水资源承载能力的系统动力学模型,对水资源承载能力的动态变化进行了分析。结果表明：农田灌溉面积、灌溉定额、节水技术、非农产业规模以及生态用水几个变量对水资源承载力的影响较大,为主要因素。 其次,结合水资源承载能力指标预测的需要,建立了甘肃省沿黄地区社会、经济及生态环境发展等相应指标的预测模块；基于甘肃省沿黄地区水资源承载能力现状,对水资源承载能力的影响因素进行分析,并选取几个主要影响因素进行多情景假设,分析各种情景条件下整个区域的水资源承载能力。结果表明：四种典型的情景方案各有利弊,协调发展型的情景方案是可行的选择,在此情景下,区域在2018年出现水资源短缺。 最后,在水资源可流转和不可流转的两种假设前提下,对比分析了甘肃省沿黄地区水资源承载能力的变化趋势以及承载状况。结果表明：在水资源的配置不受空间约束的情况下,区域2020年虽可实现全面小康的目标,但内部的差异巨大,依然存在温饱、宽裕、初步小康和全面小康4种生活水平。即总体平均掩盖了区域内部差异,总体计算所得的水资源承载能力大于分县相加所得的数据,难以真实反映因各县水资源的不均匀分布而带来的社会经济差异。 本文以甘肃省黄河沿岸地区的水资源承载能力为研究对象,用系统动力学模型进行模拟计算,所得出的结论对该区域未来的发展有一定的参考意义。

甘肃省黄河沿岸地区水资源承载能力分析

作者： 刘建兰   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 甘肃省   沿黄地区   水资源   承载能力   系统动力学  

描述： th, the demand of water resource is continuously increasing. That is to say water shortage has become a global problem. Water resources carrying capacity is the basis and prerequisite of regional socio-economic development, which is significant to realize the coordinated development of regional "water resources- ecological environment-socio-economy" composite system. So it has become the focus and hot topic in water science field nowdays.

全文：水资源是人类生存和社会发展最重要的基础资源,随着世界各国经济和人口的增长,水资源的需求量不断增加,水资源短缺已经成为全球性问题。水资源承载能力对于实现区域“水资源一生态环境一社会经济”复合系统的协调发展具有重要意义,是区域社会经济发展的基础和前提,已成为当前水科学研究领域中的重点和热点问题之一。 研究区位于黄河上游,以兰州为中心、黄河为轴线,地处甘肃腹地,是甘肃河东、河西两大块的连接地带,属于半干旱向干旱过渡的地带。这里也是我国西北地区的地理要冲,自古以来就是沟通西域与内地的咽喉所在,为著名的古丝绸之路的必经之地。这里集中了全省主要的现代工业力量和科技教育资源,已成为甘肃乃至西北地区经济增长的核心区域,具有极其重要的战略地位。新中国成立60年以来,以农田灌溉为主的农业开发有力地推动了这一地区工业化、城镇化过程,如今已实现了初步工业化。作为黄河上游地区的人口和产业密集区,其可持续发展对甘肃、西北地区乃至黄河流域都会产生深远的影响。 本文以此地区的各县级单元为对象进行水资源承载能力的研究,根据对未来各年份水资源承载能力预测结果提出相应的区域发展对策,对社会经济发展具有重要意义。本文采用《甘肃省主体功能区规划——水资源可利用量研究专题》中的水资源数据,水资源评价资料所用数据为1956-2006年的平均值,大约为75%的保证率；社会经济数据来自《甘肃农村年鉴》(1993-2007年)。分析时段：以2006年为初始年份,预测年份为2015、2020和2030年。 首先,本文在文献资料搜集、分析的基础上,从理论上对水资源承载能力进行综述及探讨；并结合甘肃省沿黄地区的自然地理、社会经济以及水资源概况,通过构建水资源承载能力的系统动力学模型,对水资源承载能力的动态变化进行了分析。结果表明：农田灌溉面积、灌溉定额、节水技术、非农产业规模以及生态用水几个变量对水资源承载力的影响较大,为主要因素。 其次,结合水资源承载能力指标预测的需要,建立了甘肃省沿黄地区社会、经济及生态环境发展等相应指标的预测模块；基于甘肃省沿黄地区水资源承载能力现状,对水资源承载能力的影响因素进行分析,并选取几个主要影响因素进行多情景假设,分析各种情景条件下整个区域的水资源承载能力。结果表明：四种典型的情景方案各有利弊,协调发展型的情景方案是可行的选择,在此情景下,区域在2018年出现水资源短缺。 最后,在水资源可流转和不可流转的两种假设前提下,对比分析了甘肃省沿黄地区水资源承载能力的变化趋势以及承载状况。结果表明：在水资源的配置不受空间约束的情况下,区域2020年虽可实现全面小康的目标,但内部的差异巨大,依然存在温饱、宽裕、初步小康和全面小康4种生活水平。即总体平均掩盖了区域内部差异,总体计算所得的水资源承载能力大于分县相加所得的数据,难以真实反映因各县水资源的不均匀分布而带来的社会经济差异。 本文以甘肃省黄河沿岸地区的水资源承载能力为研究对象,用系统动力学模型进行模拟计算,所得出的结论对该区域未来的发展有一定的参考意义。

新疆生产建设兵团屯垦与戌边关系研究

作者： 李丽   来源： 石河子大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 戍边   关系   兵团   屯垦  

描述： a crucial componen t of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous region that is under the command of the autonomous region's party committee. Its major task is to develop the local economy and to partially perform administrative and legal functions towards the corps reclamation area. It is a special political, eC01101111C, militaristic and social organization with a long history. It is also undertakes the important task of implementing strategies for production and for territorial border control. Such implementation influences both regional and national economic substantiality and social stability. This article attempts to analyze the relationship between production and border control while exploring the possible solutions for existing problems within the region, based on a historical perspective. There are three chapters in this article. The first chapter introduces the history of agricultural development and border trooping, based on the practical experiences of Han, Tang, and Qing Dynasty. The second chapter analyzes the dichotomy of agricultural production and border trooping. Border trooping needs daily rationing from agricultural production. Meanwhile, agricultural production is conditioned by border trooping. Border control is the goal ensured by agricultural productivity. However, the status of each element differs in different eras. They are the two inseparable elements. In the third chapter, the author discourses the means of adjusting border control and production according to the latest domestic and international situations. Since the socialist economic system is perfecting itself, Chinese mentality is experiencing significant changes. At the same time, the international situation changes tremendously which makes the strategic status of the region become more and more important. The production and border control mission is facing new challenges because of ethnic separatists, terrorists, and religious extremists. The article is going to provide some constructive suggestions, based on the mentioned factors. Under historically new conditions, Bingtuan, as an important part of Xinjiang, as well as a politics-military-united organization, is carrying out new tasks. To accomplish such tasks, one needs to comprehend the relationship between agricultural production and border control correctly, that is to continue both elements' growth in a firm manner. Now, the corps development is at the door step of a new historic entrance. Therefore, Bingtuan needs to increase the speed of growth of its economic society in order to perform a better contribution to the country.

全文：新疆生产建设兵团(以下简称“兵团”)是新疆维吾尔自治区的重要组成部分,它实行党政军企合一的领导体制,在自治区党委的统一领导下,以经济建设为中心,依照国家和自治区的法律、法规,对所辖垦区行使一定的行政、司法管理职能,是执行屯垦戍边历史使命的特殊的政治、经济、军事、社会组织。兵团是历代屯垦事业的延续和发展,是我党屯垦戍边战略的伟大创举。 屯垦戍边事业关系到新疆乃至全国的经济发展和社会稳定,处理好这两者的关系有着重大意义。本文结合历史和现实对屯垦与戍边关系进行了较为系统的分析,并对新形势下如何处理好这一关系进行了探讨。论文第一章重点对汉、唐、清三代关于屯田与戍边关系的认识和实践进行了分析；第二章论述了屯垦与戍边的辩证关系,认为二者是对立统一的关系,戍边需要屯垦来维持,屯垦则以戍边为前提,戍边是日的,屯垦是手段,但在不同时期屯垦与戍边的地位和作用有所不同,离开戍边讲屯垦或离开屯垦讲戍边都是错误的；第三章论述新形势下如何处理屯垦与戍边的关系,认为在新形势下,社会主义市场经济体制不断完善,人们思想观念思维方式发生了深刻变革,新疆周边国际环境显著变化,新疆战略地位大幅度提升,国内外“三股势力”猖獗,屯垦戍边事业面临着新的挑战,论文针对这一新的形势,对如何处理好二者关系提出了一些建设性的意见。 在新的历史条件下,兵团作为新疆的重要组成部分,作为党政军企合一的特殊组织,担负着更为艰巨而光荣的历史重任。要完成这一历史使命,就必须正确把握屯垦与戍边的辩证关系,坚持屯垦戍边两手抓,两手都要硬。当前,把屯垦戍边事业不断推向新的、更高的发展阶段,是摆在兵团人面前的重大历史课题。加快兵团经济社会发展,更好地完成戍边的使命是兵团必然的抉择。

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：本文以明代太仓库为研究对象,从基本财政体制及国家与社会互动的角度,用动态的眼光对其进行考察。其基本目标是展现太仓库作为明代中央财政核心库藏机构的制度设置、管理、变更历程,考察太仓库收支项目、数量,进而以太仓库为中心,对明代国家财政体系运行的机制、状态,以及明代中央财政体系的基本类型特征进行系统的分析。 就参考文献而言,《明实录》记事通贯明代始终,是涵盖太仓库运作全过程的一套最成体系的史料,本文将之作为研究整个有明一代太仓库发展、演变以及不同时期地位作用变化的核心文献。同时,本文利用各朝制书,如洪武时期《诸司职掌》、正德《明会典》、万历《明会典》、万历《太仓考》以及《万历会计录》等文献,对太仓库制度、地位做横向断面的详细剖析。万历中后期户部尚书赵世卿所作《司农奏议》、崇祯初户部尚书毕自严的《度支奏议》、《石隐园藏稿》及崇祯末年户部尚书倪元璐的《倪文贞集》等,皆收录作者关于太仓库的许多疏牍。其他明人奏疏、笔记及清代史料中也有相对分散的关于明代太仓库的记载,皆尽量收集参考。 本文研究表明,明初成立的内库,是一个以负责国家公共事务为主、负责皇室收支为辅的机构。其后,内库所担当的国家公共财政职责逐步减少,而其作为皇室库藏的性质却日益突出。在这个过程中,太仓库开始越来越多地担负起国家公共收支领域的财政职责。大约在弘治末、正德初,太仓库成为专备应对紧急军情或者地方重大灾伤的财政机构。嘉靖、隆庆至万历朝是太仓库演变速度最快和最集中的时期,除“财政储备”功能之外,它还逐步担当起负责北京和边镇常规开支的财政职责。万历前期,太仓库的财政地位达到顶峰。万历中期以后,太仓库的“财政储备”功能日益减缩。万历末年开始的加派新饷从制度上再次提升了太仓库的财政地位,然而太仓库岁入逋欠问题的日益严重使得新、旧饷的征收面临极大问题,因此其实际财政地位不升反降。天启、崇祯时期,太仓库逐步失去对边镇常规年例银以及为紧急军情、地方灾荒提供财政支持和救济的能力。至崇祯末年,户部将太仓库财政收入的征收和管理权力全部下放给地方政府和各军镇,太仓库成为一个虚设的空壳。 太仓库的岁入类项是逐步由少到多发展起来的。除内库逐步削弱其国家公共财政职责的原因之外,北边军镇财政开支银额的不断增长也是太仓库岁入类项扩增的重要原因。嘉靖、隆庆至万历前期是太仓库岁入类项扩增最快的时期,万历前期,太仓库外库的收入负责支付京师及北边军镇的部分日常开销,太仓库老库及窖房银存贮不动,以备紧急军情或灾荒之需。万历中期以后,一方面,边镇财政需求扩增的趋势仍在,而户部却再也没有能力扩大太仓库的收入范围和岁入总银额,太仓库停滞不前的额定岁入与边镇持续上涨的实际财政需求之间的差距越来越大;另一方面,太仓库既有的收入类项与额定岁入银额因逋欠、蠲免等原因逐渐减少,以致不能如额支付边镇年例银。新饷的加派、对太仓老库、窖房及南京户部银的借用虽能使太仓库的财政状况出现短暂缓解,却无助于改变太仓库实际收入逐步减少的基本趋势,也无助于改变边镇军饷需求持续升高的基本走向。就在太仓库实际财政岁入与边镇实际财政需求的反向运动中,明朝的国家财政最终崩溃。 太仓库的财政开支类项主要包括在京开支、国家军事及地方赈济等,其中最重要的是发往北边军镇的年例银。太仓库年例银起源于京运年例银,并被长久视为京运年例银的一部分。北边军镇的京运年例银在正统年间就已经出现。在成化到弘治时期,太仓库年例银的发放是不规律的,时少时多。太仓库在这一时期并不负责北边所有军镇年例银的发放,而且太仓库时常与其他财政收入一起共同负责个别边镇的年例银供应。弘治与嘉靖两朝是太仓库年例银发放频率较高的时期。隆庆时期,太仓库成为北边军镇京运年例银的核心发放机构,担当起为北边军镇提供部分常规性军费开支的财政职责。万历前期,太仓库年例银的发放形成比较稳定的制度,其后直至崇祯,太仓库年例银与京运年例银逐步归并为一。 虽然关于太仓库发放年例银的记载在成化时期就可见到,但太仓库年例银岁支总额的记载到隆庆元年才出现。在隆庆到万历前期,太仓库年例银岁支总额基本保持较稳定的数额,前后差距不大;太仓库预算年例银额基本都能落实,额定年例银与太仓库实际发放的年例银额之间没有多大差距。万历中期,太仓库额定年例银支出上升较快,对太仓库构成越来越大的财政压力,以致户部不得不经常借支太仓老库、窖房、太仆寺常盈库等机构的存银进行贴补。另一方面,随着太仓库岁入逋欠的日益严重,太仓库实际岁支年例银的数额不断下降。万历末期到崇祯朝,太仓库旧库的额定年例银岁支总数停止了上升的势头,较以前的银额稍有下降,并大致保持在这一水平。但是,太仓库旧库发往北边军镇的实际年例银岁额则下降幅度巨大,与其预算年例银岁支额形成越来越大的差距。 纵观年例银在边镇军饷总岁入中所占比例的变化可知,弘治、正德时期,京运银岁额所占边镇军饷总岁额的比重较低;到隆庆末、万历初,太仓库年例银岁支总额在边镇军饷总岁入额中所占的比重已经达到三分之一左右。万历中期,这一比重又有所提升。这说明,万历时期,太仓库年例银在边镇军饷供应中已经占据重要地位,但边镇军饷供应又并非绝对依靠太仓库年例银,屯田、民运、盐引等收入仍然是边镇军饷供应的主要组成部分。崇祯时期,边镇军饷供应演变成以依靠太仓库银为主。因此,太仓库年例银所占边镇军饷供应总额的比重呈逐步升高的趋势。 明代财政强调“量入为出”的基本原则,太仓库通常以本年岁入及库存预支下一年的岁支。然而,在嘉靖以后的大部分年份里,由于边镇巨额军费开支的压力,在岁入无法满足岁支需求的情形下,“量出以制入”的情况逐步增多,户部不得不采取各种措施增加岁入,扩大太仓库的岁入类项,其中许多类项由临时、应急性措施最终得到正式认可而成为太仓库的制度化收入。万历中后期至崇祯朝的绝大部分年份内,太仓库的岁支越来越超出岁入所能承受的范围,不但“量出”以制定增加的“岁入”不能实现,原有的岁入也面临日益严重的逋欠问题。从嘉靖七年开始直到崇祯末年,太仓库岁入少于岁出的情况占据了有确切记载年份的绝大多数。在太仓库长期支出浮于收入的情况下,明朝的整个国家财政体系却能维持运转达一个多世纪。这是因为:首先,《明实录》的编撰者们有着明显地选择记录太仓库财政欠佳年份的倾向,这是明代太仓库收支呈现长久亏损面貌的原因之一。其次,一般情况下,太仓库岁入额通常仅指太仓库额定收入款项内得到的财政收入,也就是其正赋,户部在其正赋之外通过挪借等手段从其他财政体系中所得到的款项通常被算入岁支银额中,而不被算入岁入银额中。再者,太仓库发展的重要促动因素之一在于其不断扩大的财政开支。最后,明代太仓库在长期亏损的情况下又维持了一百余年的根本原因还在于太仓库对明代国家财政体系,尤其是对明代北边军饷而言,更多时候是补贴性的,而不是基础性的。 最后,明代太仓库与盐法的财政关系演变历史表明,嘉靖朝是二者财政关系发生转变的关键时期。在嘉靖朝以前,存积等盐偶尔会因盐法雍滞或者太仓库财政需要而被折卖成银纳入太仓库,但从未形成制度化的规定。嘉靖时期,在既要维持开中的祖制、又要解决开中制无法有效满足边镇军饷需求的情况下,正盐开中于边、余盐纳银解往太仓库的双轨并行制度最终形成。通过这种方式,户部将盐法收入中的大部分直接集中于太仓库,从而加强了对盐法的监管和控制,太仓库与北边军镇开支的财政关系也就此得到进一步强化。 总之,明代财政制度是随着时间发展和相应而来的不同因素对比的变化而不断变化的,从来没有凝固在一种定式上。明代财政史乃至中国古代制度史的研究应当关照实行该制度的共同体的整个生命历程,这样才能理清该制度的来龙去脉,了解其基本形态。关于皇帝在明代国家财政体系中的权力问题,以往研究有夸大的倾向。有明一代,国家公共财政收支与皇室收支明显呈逐步分离的趋势。在这样的发展过程中,户部对其管辖的太仓库握有相当程度的财政权力。虽然有关太仓库的财政决定基本都要上奏皇帝,但不能因此就认为皇帝的财政权力不可分割或者皇帝以下的机构只有财政责任而无财政权力。以往用阶级斗争理论来进行的明代经济史研究,大多关注统治阶级与被统治阶级的矛盾。本文的研究表明,在统治阶层内部,更加注重国家整体利益的官僚士大夫和过分强调私人利益的、以皇帝为核心的利益团体之间存在长久而深刻的矛盾。明代国家财政的目标是通过最小限度地征收民众财富以满足维持国家正常运行的基本需求,其背后隐含的理念是要最大限度地保障最大多数人的基本物质生存条件。私人利益与国家公共利益之间的冲突是明代财政制度中的根本矛盾。在保持帝制体制不变的情况下,官僚士大夫的道德养成是解决私人利益与国家公共利益冲突的一种较实际与有效的方式。这是明代国家相对于制度的精密构建而言更加偏重于有德人才的选拔与任用的重要原因。明代国家税收方面的根本问题并不在于税率的高或低,而在于递减的国家赋税征收能力与递增的实际财政岁需之间矛盾的逐步升级。衡量明代财政制度的标准应当是看它是否符合初设的财政理念。与强调个人利益之天然合法性的现代资本主义社会相比,生产能力有限的明代中国更注重当下多数民众的生存状况。以这样的思想观念来衡量,明政府追求稳定与最低经济活动水平的税收政策至少是可以理解的而非荒谬可笑的。