甘肃农田氮磷钾养分资源特征研究

作者： 张树清   来源： 甘肃农业大学 年份： 2001 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 氮磷钾   甘肃农田   施肥区划   养分特征  

描述： 甘肃省农田氮、磷、钾养分特征尚无系统研究结论，是否具有可持续性是 一重大问题。本文以甘肃及其不同生态区域农田为中心，以提高土壤生产力和 平衡推荐施肥为目标，通过宏观调查与田间试验相结合的方法，运用控制论的 黑箱理论及生态系统平衡理论，系统研究了甘肃省土壤、肥料养分资源状况及 演变和农田养分平衡状况与

全文：％， 3．4％，N：巳0。：民O为1：0．刀：0刀6，氮磷肥效呈下降趋势，钾肥肥效逐渐显现。 单位面积化肥用量呈增加趋势，1999年全省氮素平均用量99石k归’，低于 全国平均水平；磷素平均用量76J一汕m

蚕丝文化符号对中华农耕社会集体意识的表达

作者： 蔡璐   来源： 西南大学 年份： 2012 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 集体意识   蚕丝文化符号   农耕社会  

描述： 蚕丝文化是基于养蚕缫丝纺织生产活动,以物质和非物质遗存为表现形式,所形成的价值观、情感和社会行为方式的总和。华夏文明孕育了蚕丝文化,养蚕、栽桑、缫丝、纺织成为中华农耕社会中重要的经济活动。随着社会的发展,蚕丝文化这个抽象概念被具体化,其中甲骨文、神话传说、先蚕礼、陶蚕蛹、玉蚕、蚕形刻划、蚕织图、十二

全文：活动之一,蚕丝文化符号中的先蚕礼,突出表达了中华农耕社会经济稳定而重实际的集体意识；二是中华农耕社会结构表现为家国同构,在以家族为本位、尊君重民的集体意识下,各等级间达到和谐相处的均衡状态,蚕丝文化

新农村公共服务体系的构建研究

作者： 周美岑   来源： 西南大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 公共服务   新农村公共服务   社会主义新农村建设  

描述： est strategic decision. In the "Proposal on the

全文：情况,针对存在的问题,改进和完善各种体制和机制；四是要建立与各种标准相对应的数据采集系统,研究和提出评价指标和评价标准,为建立农村公共服务体系完善程度奠定技术基础。

1933-1945年甘肃经济建设研究

作者： 裴庚辛   来源： 华中师范大学 年份： 2008 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 1933—1945   甘肃商业   甘肃工业   甘肃金融业   甘肃农业  

描述： 近代甘肃经济落后,农业生产仍是传统的耕作方式,产量低下;工业则没有几家近代工厂,主要是手工业工场或家庭手工业作坊,新式工业尚处于起步阶段。再加上灾荒频发,烟毒横行,地方当局借禁种之名行罚款之实。甘肃人民生活困苦不堪。与落后的经济水平相对应,近代甘肃的金融机构主要有票号、钱庄(银号)、当铺等几种形式,

全文：近代甘肃经济落后,农业生产仍是传统的耕作方式,产量低下;工业则没有几家近代工厂,主要是手工业工场或家庭手工业作坊,新式工业尚处于起步阶段。再加上灾荒频发,烟毒横行,地方当局借禁种之名行罚款之实。甘肃人民生活困苦不堪。与落后的经济水平相对应,近代甘肃的金融机构主要有票号、钱庄(银号)、当铺等几种形式,票号、钱庄均以信用放款为主,不同的是票号存放款是辅业,主要为融通资金,其客户多为大商人;而钱庄则是对中小商人放款。其中票号在晚清时执甘肃金融牛耳,其总号多设于山西,甘肃多为汇兑庄。票号由初期的专营汇兑逐渐过渡为兼营存放款,钱庄则资金微薄。发展缓慢。民国成立后票号逐渐淡出历史舞台,钱庄逐渐发展壮大。民国前期时金融市场的主体是钱庄,其信用甚至超过了随政局动荡而开设关停的官银号、银钱局。当铺则主要开设于县城、集镇等地,采用质押放款形式,对象为票号、钱庄顾及不到的普通平民,其资金周转时间长,在国民政府废两改元后逐步式微。与此相比,官办金融机构的设立主要是以维持地方官僚、军阀的统治搜集财源为目的,是地方政权的附属机构。同时,在经营活动中,这些官营银行从地方官僚、军阀的需要出发,滥发纸币,造成通货膨胀和金融市场的混乱。而且官办金融机构常随着政局的动荡而倒闭歇业,信誉反而不如私营的钱庄。虽然在国家银行入驻之前甘肃金融市场的主体是传统金融机构,但是仍然出现了现代银行的萌芽。 资金不足一直是困扰近代中国经济发展的难题。在工业化的起步阶段,以经营信用放款为主的小资本钱庄适应了小工商业的需要,在社会融资过程中扮演重要角色。但是,随着机器大工业兴起,钱庄的局限性日益凸显。由于资本市场的欠缺,新式银行作为相对大规模的间接融资手段,在工业化进程中扮演重要的角色。近代以来政府财政匮乏,需要银行的债务支持以及以银行为中介向社会筹资。新式银行与近代中国经济、政治的发展密切相关,然而它们之间的关系并不总是以正相关的形式存在。就甘肃来说,官办银行常沦落为政府的钱柜,省政府经常向银行透支,连银行的正常营业也常受政府的影响,这为时人所诟病。从银行自身的角度而言,作为一种企业,银行与其它企业一样,在近代社会相同的历史背景下面临同样的困境。但是由于经营业务的特殊性,其发展道路又与普通企业存在明显的差异。近代银行是在外国银行的刺激下步入历史舞台的,从一开始就面临着外国银行的冲击及钱庄的激烈竞争,生存空间十分狭小。在落后的甘肃,银行的发展受政局的影响更大。在近代中田社会频繁的政权更迭和剧烈的经济变动中,银行在艰难挣扎中前行,虽然发展缓慢但却呈现上升的发展趋势。 二十世纪三十年代,随着日本侵华的深入,东北沦陷,华北、华东、华中、华南的大部分处于战火中,西南、西北成为国民政府相对稳定的大后方根据地。由于抗日战争是一场持久战。国民政府一面抗战,一面加大建设以支援抗战,实行了“抗战建国同时并进”的战时政策。基于多方面考虑,国民政府对其西部大后方进行了总的定位,“西南是抗战根据地,西北是建国根据地”,并加大了对西南、西北的开发与建设,出现了近代西南、西北开发的高潮。发展农业,确保战争物资的供应成为国民政府后方建设的重中之重。在政府的引导和银行业的支持下,通过改良旧有品种、推广新品种、新技术,利用农业贷款在全省尤其是河西地区大力兴修农田水利工程,改善了农牧业生产的条件,促进了战时农业生产的发展,使甘肃粮食总产量连年稳步增长,为抗战提供了更多的军粮和马匹,支持了长期抗战的进行。战时甘肃农牧业的发展主要得益于农业贷款的发放,农业贷款给农民提供了种籽、农具、牲畜,帮助农民兴修了水利,改善了农业生产的条件,提高了抗灾能力,使甘肃省粮食总产量连年增加,即使是在遭受比较严重自然灾害的情况下也没有减产。对农民的贷款发放主要是依靠各种合作社进行的,合作社的种类有信用合作社、运销合作社、畜牧合作社和消费合作杜。农贷为甘肃农牧业的战时发展提供助力很大,但是毋庸讳言,农贷本身也存在着不少缺点,如贷放范围不够普遍,放款手续比较复杂等。由于农民文化水平的低下,土豪劣绅把持了部分合作社,把合作社的低息农业贷款以高息转贷给农民,使农业贷款没有发挥应有的作用。 抗日战争是一场持久战,随着战争的深入,西北地位日显重要,为此,国民政府加大了西北建设力度。抗战时期,特别是抗战前期,甘肃传统的农业、手工业和商业在稳步发展,国民经济结构发生了明显的变化。工矿、交通、邮电通讯、金融等现代产业虽然在国民经济中的比重很低,但已不再处于零星的萌芽状态,而是在甘肃的社会经济生活中起着越来越重要的作用。这种影响已经超过了近代任何历史时期。比较突出的成就是近代工矿业在一定范围内形成了先进的生产力,尤其是石油工业成为全国领先的行业。兰州已经初步建设成为新兴的西北近代工业基地之一,也是大后方的毛纺织中心之一。抗战时期甘肃的工矿业、交通运输业得到了长足的发展,这与政府的引导和银行业的支持分不开。银行业不仅提供了工矿业发展需要的资金,而且直接投资办厂,利用银行贷款诱导手工业进行技术改造。虽然在抗战后期银行业资金大部分投向商业领域,助长了投机之风,但是不可否认,银行业对于战时甘肃工业的发展曾经起到了积极的作用。 抗日战争时期国民政府对西北的开发使甘肃省的农牧业、手工业、工矿业得到了发展,抗战时期甘肃军队云集,流入难民增多,外来人口的增加使得日用品需求旺盛,而甘肃本身是一个工业落后的地区,战前绝大部分日用品就依赖外省输入,战时工业虽有所发展仍然不能满足人民需要。人民的生产生活需要拉动商业经济日益活跃并一度繁荣起来,商品流通的范围和商品交换的规模逐步扩大,国内外贸易均有长足发展。战时商业发展的特点为抗战时期传统商路的变迁,西北地区与西南地区间商贸往来的日益密切。西北地区各省间贸易力度的加大,对苏易货贸易的发展及银行业对商业发展的示范效应和负面影响。

明清时期巢湖流域农业发展研究

作者： 陈恩虎   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农业经济   农业发展   明清   巢湖流域  

描述： 区域农业经济研究是目前经济史研究的热门课题,至今已有许多成果问世。相对而言,巢湖流域农业经济的研究较为滞后,并且研究领域和成果比较分散,尚未形成全面、系统的研究体系,其主要原因应当是学术界常常会以明清时代的巢湖流域与全国其他区域相比不具备“典型性”为由,漠视了对巢湖流域的经济研究。因此,努力填补明清

全文：中的比较法,分析巢湖流域与安徽省其它区域、本地区前后期的关系、异同和兴衰。选题研究的主干性材料为地方志、家谱一类的地方文献,并充分发掘现存的文书资料,对《徽州千年契约文书·清民国编》第1卷和第2卷收

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：。明代国家财政的目标是通过最小限度地征收民众财富以满足维持国家正常运行的基本需求,其背后隐含的理念是要最大限度地保障最大多数人的基本物质生存条件。私人利益与国家公共利益之间的冲突是明代财政制度中的根本矛盾

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描述： e points about studying of Longyou area literature.

全文：： 其一,文学体裁单一,但诗歌成就突出。清代中叶,社会进入全面繁盛时期。这时候,统治者对表现盛世气象有更加明确的要求,儒家注重诗歌政教作用的传统得到统治者的进一步提倡。[1]所以,相较于其他样式的作品

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