古代“屯田积粟”的军事经济思想

作者： 谢守和   李益敏   来源： 军事经济研究 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 赵充国   治粟都尉   思想宝库   军事经济理论   军事经济研究   军民结合   因粮于敌   古代文化   古代军事   中国特点  

描述： 重要物资,“军无粮食则亡”,“兵马未动,粮草先行。”纵观古代战争史,历代军事家为了解决军队的粮草供应,精心谋略,运筹帷幄,提出了一系列的策略和方法,形成了具有中国特点的古代军事经济思想。其中最具有代表性的要算是在内“屯田戍边”、在外“因粮于敌”。本文拟对我国古代“屯田积粟戍

汉代粮仓的类型及仓储粮食用途试论

作者： 邵正坤   来源： 唐都学刊 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 用途   汉代   粮仓   类型  

描述： 了从中央到地方各部分、部门的粮仓建制。积贮的目的是为了消费,汉代官仓储备的粮食在许多领域发挥着重要作用,如供给皇室宫廷,满足统治阶级的日常需要;出给官吏俸禄、月食、赏赐,维持庞大官僚机构的运转;供给军吏卒

河曲马

作者： 如江   来源： 中国畜牧杂志 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 高山草原   草原区   平坦开阔   尼玛   春期   玛曲县   碌曲   年雨量   体尺   马腹  

描述： 河曲马产于甘南藏族自治州的碌曲、玛曲县,其中尤以该区的乔科、尼玛、欧拉、齐哈玛和阿万仓等地最为集中而品质最好。该区地势是西北较高,东部略低,海拔3300—4000公尺,属高山草原,气候寒冷,雨量充沛

明代宁夏屯田述论

作者： 左书谔   来源： 宁夏社会科学 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 隆庆   九边   陕西行都司   花马池   提举司   庞尚鹏   弘治年间   田述   王毓铨   明代军屯  

描述： 时期正在大兴屯田,也是明代军屯最盛的时期。”“宣德以后日趋隳坏,到万历年间,屯军逃亡,屯田抛荒。”这一分期法系针对全国军屯而言,是合理的和科学的。而宁夏屯田的分期是否也如此呢?我们认为,宁夏的屯田可分为三个阶段。

隋唐大运河通济渠西段三个粮仓遗址的保护与展示研究

作者： 龚   来源： 西安建筑科技大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 粮仓遗址   遗产保护   隋唐大运河通济渠西段  

描述： 中国大运河将于2013年申报世界文化遗产。隋唐大运河是中国大运河的组成部分之一,作为隋唐时期的国家生命线,隋唐大运河的主要功能是依靠漕运从全国各地筹集粮食和财物输送到长安、洛阳,由此而形成的隋唐大运河仓储体系,有力见证了隋唐大运河的辉煌,是大运河遗产的重要组成部分。因此,为配合申遗,论文以隋唐大运河

全文：西段粮仓遗址历史文献及考古资料的基础上,对隋唐大运河通济渠西段三个粮仓的历史文化、科学及艺术价值进行了评价,并归纳了其“粮仓规模大,仓窖数量多”、“仓城格局完整,与运河紧密相连”等四个特点；通过现状调研

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：为紧急军情、地方灾荒提供财政支持和救济的能力。至崇祯末年,户部将太仓库财政收入的征收和管理权力全部下放给地方政府和各军镇,太仓库成为一个虚设的空壳。 太仓库的岁入类项是逐步由少到多发展起来的。除内库

清代乾隆时期自然灾害与荒政研究

作者： 张祥稳   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 乾隆时期   康乾盛世   自然灾害   灾害史   荒政  

描述： “自古圣王之世，水旱之灾亦时有之”。康乾盛世时期的乾隆朝也不例外，它是我国历史上自然灾害的多发期之一。乾隆朝60年间，自然灾害的种类多，发生的频率高，被及的范围广，涉及的人口多，产生的危害大。面对频仍的自然灾害，乾隆在发出“灾民实可怜”叹息的同时，命令大小官吏，要把民饥民困视作己饥己困，务必以拯灾恤

全文：，到清初顺康雍时期，救荒的基本程序包括报灾、勘灾、审户扣给赈，主要措施包括蠲免、抚恤、赈济、借贷、缓征、平粜、安辑流民等，地方主要是通过常平仓、社仓、义仓等积谷备荒。乾隆时期，拯灾救荒的基本程序与康雍

新疆生产建设兵团屯垦与戌边关系研究

作者： 李丽   来源： 石河子大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 戍边   关系   兵团   屯垦  

描述： a crucial componen t of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous region that is under the command of the autonomous region's party committee. Its major task is to develop the local economy and to partially perform administrative and legal functions towards the corps reclamation area. It is a special political, eC01101111C, militaristic and social organization with a long history. It is also undertakes the important task of implementing strategies for production and for territorial border control. Such implementation influences both regional and national economic substantiality and social stability. This article attempts to analyze the relationship between production and border control while exploring the possible solutions for existing problems within the region, based on a historical perspective. There are three chapters in this article. The first chapter introduces the history of agricultural development and border trooping, based on the practical experiences of Han, Tang, and Qing Dynasty. The second chapter analyzes the dichotomy of agricultural production and border trooping. Border trooping needs daily rationing from agricultural production. Meanwhile, agricultural production is conditioned by border trooping. Border control is the goal ensured by agricultural productivity. However, the status of each element differs in different eras. They are the two inseparable elements. In the third chapter, the author discourses the means of adjusting border control and production according to the latest domestic and international situations. Since the socialist economic system is perfecting itself, Chinese mentality is experiencing significant changes. At the same time, the international situation changes tremendously which makes the strategic status of the region become more and more important. The production and border control mission is facing new challenges because of ethnic separatists, terrorists, and religious extremists. The article is going to provide some constructive suggestions, based on the mentioned factors. Under historically new conditions, Bingtuan, as an important part of Xinjiang, as well as a politics-military-united organization, is carrying out new tasks. To accomplish such tasks, one needs to comprehend the relationship between agricultural production and border control correctly, that is to continue both elements' growth in a firm manner. Now, the corps development is at the door step of a new historic entrance. Therefore, Bingtuan needs to increase the speed of growth of its economic society in order to perform a better contribution to the country.

全文：新疆生产建设兵团(以下简称“兵团”)是新疆维吾尔自治区的重要组成部分,它实行党政军企合一的领导体制,在自治区党委的统一领导下,以经济建设为中心,依照国家和自治区的法律、法规,对所辖垦区行使一定的行政

唐代前期河西州县城城防研究

作者： 张向红   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 河西州县城   唐代前期   城防  

描述： ch as the important town of the Silk Road, multi-ethnic coexistence and the border district administrative center. In order to ensure normal exchange between the East and the West, frequent contact among ethnicities, and effective administration in He-xi area, it was extremely essential to establish city defense. Therefore, the Tang government built the city defense system that was mainly military defense and based on social balance. Mainly included the screen protective system of Army, Shouzhuo, City, Town, Shu, etc., which had some focal point and very wide and located out of the cities; Three layers external protective system that was composed of a deep ditch to round every city, sheep and horses cities, city wall; Multiple structure system such Luo city(outer city), Zi city(inner city), fang(residential area), Shi(markets), and so on; Garrison inside cities and out of locality system; Feng, Yi and other information systems; General's office person of ability system; Warehouse reserve and social balance system. Because of the important geographical position strategic and the special social security problem, the He-xi Prefecture and county city defense had formed Trinity characteristic with the national defense and the security defense. The city defense soldiers had a hand in Tuntian to bring about He-xi area’s agricultural advance; A large number of people of city defense formed the consumer market, had promoted the prosperity of the commerce; The city defense ensured traffic and military assistance, made He-xi Prefecture and county cities become the rear base to administer Central Asia. However, the city defense had its limitation, such as impotent military might at times (it offered an opportunity of Tibetan expanded in north-west area), because of the condition between the country and the locality. It, to a certain extent, had influenced on the valid function of city defense.

全文：,促进了农业的发展;城防大量人口形成消费市场,促进了商业的繁荣;城防保障交通和军援,使河西州县城成为唐经营西域的后方基地。然而,唐代前期由于中央与地方权力的制衡等因素,河西州县城城防也存在着诸如军防战斗力有时不强(为当时吐蕃的发展提供了可乘之机)等一些局限性,在一定程度上影响了城防作用的有效发挥。

灾害与应对

作者： 张健   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 安康地区   清代   自然灾害   应对措施  

描述： significance.

全文：比较完善且实施力度较大的时期。就灾前备荒而言,其措施涉及诸多方面,本文论述则以仓贮和水利设施两个方面为主要对象展开。在仓贮方面,文章对三类仓库(以常平仓和社仓为主)设置规模与灾害发生和影响进行了探讨;在