清代甘肃黄土高原的土地利用

作者： 刘维   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 清代   农业技术   土地制度   甘肃黄土高原   土地资源  

描述： ainly chooses three aspects, the quantity and quality of farmland, the land system and agricultural technology, to analysis the fact that the land system, the land utilization patterns and the selection of agricultural technology are constrained by natural environment and land resources, accordingly reveal the main-land relationship which is influenced by natural environment. The thesis is composed of four parts.

全文：本文从历史地理学的角度,探讨自然环境影响下的土地资源与土地利用和土地制度的关系。通过对甘肃黄土高原清代土地数量、质量和类型、土地制度以及农业技术选择的认识,分析说明了土地制度、土地利用方式以及农业技术的选择,在一定程度上要受自然条件和土地资源的制约,从而揭示出自然环境影响下的人地关系。全文共分为四个部分。 第一部分说明了甘肃黄土高原土地利用的基础。首先,从自然地理范围和行政区划两方面,对本文的研究区域作一界定,并对该区清代行政建置的变化作了说明;其次,从地貌、土质、气候等方面,阐述了本区土地利用的自然地理条件,并简要分析了这种条件对土地利用的影响。 第二部分论述甘肃黄土高原土地资源的数量和类型。本文采用以纳税亩为单位的土地统计数字,来反映耕地数量变化的趋势,通过列表统计,可以得知,本区清代的土地数量具有阶段性特征:清初,土地数量较少,时至乾嘉时期,这一数字达到高峰值,再到同治年间,土地出现骤减的现象,后来在经济恢复政策的引导下,光绪时期又有所回升。然后,对人口与土地结构进行了分析,得出结论:嘉庆末年该区的人口和耕地数都发展到一个新的高峰,人稠地狭的矛盾极为突出;光绪时期的土地数和人口数均有所下降,但人均耕地数较高,表现出地旷人稀的特征。之后,分阶段讨论了致使土地数量增加的主导因素——垦荒政策。此外,本节内容还涉及了土地类型的问题,分别从土地所有权和征税标准两种分类依据,进行了阐述。 第三部分对本区土地制度的特点予以分析。土地制度包括的内容很多,本文主要选取了土地所有权制、永佃制以及耕作制度三个方面。土地占有关系的调整,使自耕农小土地所有制得以发展,从而刺激了土地买卖关系的发展,但受其土地资源特性的限制,本区土地买卖的发展相对迟缓,土地交易形式也较为传统。清初的垦荒政策,刺激了永佃制的发展,使得永佃权在本区得以承认,对佃农的生活产生了重要影响,但这在清代的甘肃黄土高原地区并非普遍现象,而且当地农民获得永佃权的方式以垦荒为主,较为单一。有关耕作制度的特点,本文是从作物构成和复种制度两个方面说明的,由于水热条件的限制,本区农作物以传统的粮食作物为主,而且农作物的生长期往往较长,因此在正常年份,大都是一年一熟。 第四部分论述了本区清代土地利用方式的选择和水利灌溉事业的发展。清代中期,该地出现了人稠地狭的矛盾,再加上土地质量较差的现实,要解决口粮不足的问题,唯有依靠农业技术的改进,从而提高土地利用率,进而实现粮食增产的目标。由于该区雨泽稀少、土质易旱,所以出现了撞田法、砂田法的土地利用方式,以此来补给口粮,但是这两种方法都有弊端,因此要深入解决人地矛盾,还须依靠水利技术的提高,于是引灌渠道得以兴修,水车也进一步得到了推广,这大大改善了本区的农田灌溉条件,提高了土地利用率,也使得水浇地的面积得以扩大。

黄土高原坡耕地不同耕作模式生态效应研究

作者： 杨凯   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 耕作模式   黄土高原   坡耕地   生态效应  

描述： teau the seeding season is cold and little rainfall. Soil temperature,moisture and fertilizer is an important factor in crop yield. So in this area dissemination conservation tillage of importance. Most of former researches in comparison between conservation tillage and conventional tillage. This experimentation compare with sereval conservation tillage's difference. Through this comparison, wind-water erosion in the Loess Plateau ecologically fragile areas and application of a reasonable choice of different measures to provide a reference of farming with a view to achieving the sustainable and health development of agriculture. In this study, selection of test sites in the Loess Plateau in northern China typical wind-water erosion area Shenmu, a no-tillage, straw mulch, plastic film mulching, mulching ridge, ridge of the five kinds of different measures of conservation tillage experiment, observe ground temperature,soil nutrients,soil moisture,yeild and soil and water loss.

全文：不同保护性耕作措施的小区的耕作层地温和土壤养分以及0-100cm土壤含水量进行了连续测定,得出如下主要研究结论: (1)在一天当中,随着土壤深度的增加,每层土壤的地温平均值逐渐降低并且地温的变化幅度逐渐

清代甘肃黄土高原的土地利用

作者： 刘维   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 清代   农业技术   土地制度   甘肃黄土高原   土地资源  

描述： ainly chooses three aspects, the quantity and quality of farmland, the land system and agricultural technology, to analysis the fact that the land system, the land utilization patterns and the selection of agricultural technology are constrained by natural environment and land resources, accordingly reveal the main-land relationship which is influenced by natural environment. The thesis is composed of four parts.

全文：本文从历史地理学的角度,探讨自然环境影响下的土地资源与土地利用和土地制度的关系。通过对甘肃黄土高原清代土地数量、质量和类型、土地制度以及农业技术选择的认识,分析说明了土地制度、土地利用方式以及农业技术的选择,在一定程度上要受自然条件和土地资源的制约,从而揭示出自然环境影响下的人地关系。全文共分为四个部分。 第一部分说明了甘肃黄土高原土地利用的基础。首先,从自然地理范围和行政区划两方面,对本文的研究区域作一界定,并对该区清代行政建置的变化作了说明;其次,从地貌、土质、气候等方面,阐述了本区土地利用的自然地理条件,并简要分析了这种条件对土地利用的影响。 第二部分论述甘肃黄土高原土地资源的数量和类型。本文采用以纳税亩为单位的土地统计数字,来反映耕地数量变化的趋势,通过列表统计,可以得知,本区清代的土地数量具有阶段性特征:清初,土地数量较少,时至乾嘉时期,这一数字达到高峰值,再到同治年间,土地出现骤减的现象,后来在经济恢复政策的引导下,光绪时期又有所回升。然后,对人口与土地结构进行了分析,得出结论:嘉庆末年该区的人口和耕地数都发展到一个新的高峰,人稠地狭的矛盾极为突出;光绪时期的土地数和人口数均有所下降,但人均耕地数较高,表现出地旷人稀的特征。之后,分阶段讨论了致使土地数量增加的主导因素——垦荒政策。此外,本节内容还涉及了土地类型的问题,分别从土地所有权和征税标准两种分类依据,进行了阐述。 第三部分对本区土地制度的特点予以分析。土地制度包括的内容很多,本文主要选取了土地所有权制、永佃制以及耕作制度三个方面。土地占有关系的调整,使自耕农小土地所有制得以发展,从而刺激了土地买卖关系的发展,但受其土地资源特性的限制,本区土地买卖的发展相对迟缓,土地交易形式也较为传统。清初的垦荒政策,刺激了永佃制的发展,使得永佃权在本区得以承认,对佃农的生活产生了重要影响,但这在清代的甘肃黄土高原地区并非普遍现象,而且当地农民获得永佃权的方式以垦荒为主,较为单一。有关耕作制度的特点,本文是从作物构成和复种制度两个方面说明的,由于水热条件的限制,本区农作物以传统的粮食作物为主,而且农作物的生长期往往较长,因此在正常年份,大都是一年一熟。 第四部分论述了本区清代土地利用方式的选择和水利灌溉事业的发展。清代中期,该地出现了人稠地狭的矛盾,再加上土地质量较差的现实,要解决口粮不足的问题,唯有依靠农业技术的改进,从而提高土地利用率,进而实现粮食增产的目标。由于该区雨泽稀少、土质易旱,所以出现了撞田法、砂田法的土地利用方式,以此来补给口粮,但是这两种方法都有弊端,因此要深入解决人地矛盾,还须依靠水利技术的提高,于是引灌渠道得以兴修,水车也进一步得到了推广,这大大改善了本区的农田灌溉条件,提高了土地利用率,也使得水浇地的面积得以扩大。

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：为紧急军情、地方灾荒提供财政支持和救济的能力。至崇祯末年,户部将太仓库财政收入的征收和管理权力全部下放给地方政府和各军镇,太仓库成为一个虚设的空壳。 太仓库的岁入类项是逐步由少到多发展起来的。除内库

1950-1970年代农业合作化小说研究

作者： 闫薇   来源： 吉林大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 崇高   日常生活神圣化   互文   文献价值   农业合作化小说   悲剧品性   乡村传统文化  

描述： 1950-1970年代的农业合作化小说,与特定的运动、政策有难以切割的亲缘关系,是一种特殊的文学现象,在乌托邦的欢歌声中透露出浓重的悲剧品性,蕴藏着丰富的政治、文化内涵。本文认为合作化小说拥有两大特质:一是与“历史文本”互文,文献价值大于审美价值;二是“日常生活神圣化”,具有陌生和狂欢效应。面对合作

全文：,“社会主义新人”在平凡人生向英雄崇拜转化的过程中,其“政治超人”的荒诞与人类审美追求的崇高形成了悖论命题;“中间人物”有着深厚的恋土情结,承载着厚重的历史真实;“问题女性”则是在女性意识缺失层面上的界定。 总之,农业合作化小说研究应该是理性与感性双重作用下的文本细读,应该是历史与现实相互关联中的人文展望。

甘肃黄河中上游生态环境脆弱区的保护和开发

作者： 王亚聪   来源： 西安建筑科技大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 西部大开发   脆弱生态环境   环境伦理学   生态可持续发展  

描述： s getting worse, which threats the environment for humanity's living.

全文：尽数十年间来,一系列重大而紧迫的全球环境问题不断出现,地球环境全面恶化,人类的生存环境受到威胁。 社会的发展不等同于环境的发展,当今人们应该在全球策略一可持续发展观的要求下实现整个地球的和谐前进。面对着这些复杂的环境问题,人类需要对自然界环境的发展以及人类本身进行重新思考和定位,继而真正行动起来使其得到改善。 自然环境的不同,人类生活方式的差异,不同的地区都有其一定的环境脆弱性。贫困往往和脆弱的生态环境相伴生,而脆弱的生态环境区主要位于我国的大西北地区,近些年来,自然灾害时常发生,北方的沙尘暴,黄土高原的水土流失,森林的过度砍伐,土地沙漠化的扩大等等,都极大的影响了该地区的社会经济发展。 为了更好的体现理论结合实践的原则,在论文的最后以甘肃龙源生态营地为例,对甘肃黄河中上游生态脆弱区环境改善的方法进行阐述,期望本论文能使甘肃黄河中上游乃至整个西北环境恶劣的地区,在今后的环境治理中,能起到指导和借鉴作用,以此,改善西部地区脆弱的生态环境,促进西部地区经济又快又好的发展。

敦煌五兆卜法文献校录研究

作者： 王祥伟   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 易占   五行   五兆卜法   敦煌   龟卜  

描述： "Five-signs",a phrase referring to divination by tortoise-shell or that related with it, occurs frequently in traditional literatures.

全文：其特征分别以五行命之，称之为金木水火土五兆，五兆卜法中的五兆正是指金木水火土五行之兆，故“五兆”一词本来就是来源于龟卜。而随着五行理论和术数文化的发展，五行理论与龟卜和易占逐渐结合了起来并得到了广泛

明清时期巢湖流域农业发展研究

作者： 陈恩虎   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农业经济   农业发展   明清   巢湖流域  

描述： 区域农业经济研究是目前经济史研究的热门课题,至今已有许多成果问世。相对而言,巢湖流域农业经济的研究较为滞后,并且研究领域和成果比较分散,尚未形成全面、系统的研究体系,其主要原因应当是学术界常常会以明清时代的巢湖流域与全国其他区域相比不具备“典型性”为由,漠视了对巢湖流域的经济研究。因此,努力填补明清

全文：中的比较法,分析巢湖流域与安徽省其它区域、本地区前后期的关系、异同和兴衰。选题研究的主干性材料为地方志、家谱一类的地方文献,并充分发掘现存的文书资料,对《徽州千年契约文书·清民国编》第1卷和第2卷收

中国古代土壤改良技术研究

作者： 陈凡学   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 中国古代   农业技术   土壤改良  

描述： eat attention to adopting various techniques to improve soil quality when plowing the soil, so that the soil could keep sustainable fertility and high rate of yield.

全文：种稻洗盐、淤灌压碱、深翻窝盐与压砂抗碱、生物治盐等。冷浸田则是通过深耕冻垡、熏田暖土、烤田、施石灰、草木灰、骨灰等措施来实现。中低产田改良,一方面扩大了土壤耕种面积,另一方面提高了单位面积粮食产量。 在

临夏花儿与地理环境的关系

作者： 高志海   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 临夏   耦合关系   花儿   地理环境  

描述： cyclopedia of west China”. Being a type of non-material culture heritage shared by many nationalities, Huaer is a mark of spoken arts in west China, which is of great value for art appreciation and academic research.

全文：花儿是我国民族音乐的重要组成部分,是中华民族文化中绚丽夺目、光彩斑斓的艺术奇葩之一,被称为“西北的百科全书”。作为多民族共享的非物质文化遗产,是西部、乃至中国民歌中属于标志性的口承文艺,是最富有艺术欣赏价值、学术研究价值的民歌。 临夏(古河州)是花儿的源头和摇篮,在花儿体系中占有崇高的地位。论文以文化传播理论、文化功能理论和人地关系论为指导,旨在追溯临夏花儿的源头,梳理花儿的形成发展过程,理清花儿的流布路径,揭示花儿与自然地理要素、人文地理要素、经济地理要素、历史地理等要素之间的耦合关系。 论文主要包括以下六部分: 第一部分,阐述论文选题的背景和研究意义;综述国内外研究进展;建构研究方法和技术路线。 第二部分,介绍文化传播和人地关系等方面相关理论。阐述文化传播动力与方式,地理环境与对文化形成的影响。 第三部分,从花儿概念的界定入手,从宏观的角度论述了花儿的类型、艺术特征和分布格局。 第四部分,在描述研究区概况的基础上,具体分析了临夏境内的“河州花儿”和“莲花山花儿”的共性与差异, 第五部分:临夏花儿的流布。临夏花儿的形成大致有三个阶段,即花儿的雏形期、成型期和成熟期。在第一个时期内,古羌族在特定环境下形成的游牧小调和汉族先进的语言和填词方式为花儿的初创奠定了先决条件;第二个时期,在社会大动荡和民族大融合的历史背景之下,人口流动和文化迁移,为花儿的发展提供了丰富多样的素材;第三个时期,在相对繁荣稳定的社会背景和多元民族格局的背景下,花儿达到成熟期,它的最后形成应确定在明代。 临夏花儿的扩散既是扩展扩散又是迁移扩散,既是主动传播又是被动传播。花儿文化传播主要以人为中介进行,处于花儿文化区内的人口流动促进了花儿传播。在不同历史时期,临夏人口(尤其是回族)的主动或被动迁移方式、迁移规模和方向,决定了花儿传播的方式和方向。因此花儿的传播路径有陆路(包括西北路6条、西南路3条、东北路2条、东南路4条)和水路3条。 第六部分,临夏花儿与地理环境的关系。临夏地处青藏高原与黄土高原的过度地带,是沟通内地同青藏高原的重要枢纽,是古丝绸之路南路的必由之路,是多民族群体和文化的汇集地,也是不同地域经济类型互动发展的过渡区。独特的地理位置、特定的地理环境、多元民族文化变迁与融合、回族强势文化的确立和经济变迁对临夏花儿特色的形成、流布起了重要的作用。