中国农业科技体制百年变迁研究

作者： 朱世桂   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2012 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农业科技   科技管理   农业史   科技体制   近现代  

描述： “科学技术是第一生产力”,农业是国民经济的基础,当前我国农业发展进入新的时期,保障粮食安全、农民增收、农业增效,突破资源环境约束,加强生态环境建设,实现中国特色的农业现代化,对农业科技的需求日愈强烈,我国进入了更加依靠现代科技创新驱动的新阶段；要进一步提升农业科技创新水平,必须有完善的农业科技体制机

全文：,我国进入了更加依靠现代科技创新驱动的新阶段；要进一步提升农业科技创新水平,必须有完善的农业科技体制机制来保障,但我国历史形成的农业科技体制弊端,如条块分割,农科教分离、科技经济脱节、缺乏科学的创新

深潜乡土　挖掘生命底色

作者： 祁宗芹   来源： 山东大学 年份： 2005 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 荒诞化   苦难命运   权力体制   生命力  

描述： 侧重中国乡土社会生存体制的理性批判,虽力度不够但已初显思想锋芒。90年代中期以后,随着作家本人世界观、人

全文：中原乡土的袖珍世界,抒写了这个世界中个人和集体的梦想是如何在政治权力的体制下破灭的现实,对农民渴望跳出农门、逃离土地给予了饱含同情和理解的理性批判。 第二部分着重对作家90年代中后期的新乡土小说进行分析

唐代关中农田水利、水利管理及立法研究

作者： 陈雨梅   来源： 西北大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 唐代关中   水利法规   农田水利   水利管理  

描述： onstruction was directly related to the survival of dynasty.

全文：的管理制度,而且用法律的形式加以保障,这时期确立的管理体制及水利法规对后世影响深远。本文分为五个部分来研究唐代关中农田水利建设、水利管理及立法问题,第一部分为绪论,主要介绍了国内外学者对唐代关中

农村公共服务的社区化问题研究

作者： 贾先文   来源： 湖南农业大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 供给机制   农村公共服务   居民参与   社区化  

描述： "three rural issues".

全文：的成效,但没有达到预期的效果。其关键原因在于公共服务供给体制和机制存在问题,作为公共服务消费者的农村居民参与不足,没有发挥农村社区应有的作用。农村公共服务社区化有利于提高公共服务资源的配置效率,有利于满足

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：本文以明代太仓库为研究对象,从基本财政体制及国家与社会互动的角度,用动态的眼光对其进行考察。其基本目标是展现太仓库作为明代中央财政核心库藏机构的制度设置、管理、变更历程,考察太仓库收支项目、数量

我国农科教结合的发展趋势和前景

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描述： 农科教结合是我国农村经济体制改革、国家科技体制改革和现代科学技术迅速发展的需要,并在实践中不断提高,在发展中不断完善,从而推动农业科研、教育和推广(生产)工作的相互分工、相互协作、相互促进、共同提高

基于哲学与文化视阈中的农业科技问题

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描述： 农业科技的发展与应用不仅是科技问题,还是哲学文化问题。从文化与哲学的视野关注农业科技与文化有利于农村社会的全面发展。以往的农业科技问题研究只是突出了农业科技体制视角、农业科技生产力视角、农业科技与

影响古代中国发生期科学技术的若干因素

作者： 吾敬东   来源： 中国社会科学 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 中国古代科学   心理层面   战国时期   张光直   植物区   农业特征   采集活动   古代中国   实用性特点   春秋时期  

描述： ,如下四个因素至为重要,即在经济层面,科学技术受农业的影响,由此导致了实用性特点;在政治层面,受权力的影响,由此导致了集约性特点;在思维层面,受巫术的影响,由此导致了神秘性特点;在心理层面,受工匠的影响

影响古代中国发生期科学技术的若干因素

作者： 吾敬东   来源： 中国社会科学 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 中国古代科学   心理层面   战国时期   张光直   植物区   农业特征   采集活动   古代中国   实用性特点   春秋时期  

描述： ,如下四个因素至为重要,即在经济层面,科学技术受农业的影响,由此导致了实用性特点;在政治层面,受权力的影响,由此导致了集约性特点;在思维层面,受巫术的影响,由此导致了神秘性特点;在心理层面,受工匠的影响

论魏晋国家政权与豪族大土地所有制的关系:抑兼并与“守清贫”

作者： 薛海波   来源： 史林 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 豪族   大土地所有制   魏晋  

描述： 的士族由于自身政治权力及其经济利益均需要国家政权的认可和赋予,因此必须要站在国家立场上抑制土地兼并。在九品中正制和占田荫亲荫客制的要求和保障下,士族往往通过"守清贫"的自律意识来抵制豪族的土地兼并,从而使魏晋豪族的经济形态呈现出"兼并"和"抑兼并"并存的矛盾局面。