甘肃省景泰县农业生态经济系统能值分析

作者： 林长伟   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 景泰县   可持续发展   能值分析   农业生态经济系统  

描述： le to measure and compare all kinds of energy.

全文：: (1)景泰县2007年农业投入总能值及产出总能值分别为7.65×10~(20)sej、9.65×10~(20)sej。投入能值中不可更新工业辅助能所占比例最大。产出能值中种植业和畜牧业能值产出占

甘青藏族牧区婚姻家庭文化变迁研究

作者： 金晶   来源： 中央民族大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 藏族   变迁   婚姻家庭   牧区   生育  

描述： Marriage and family research sociological study. As an important is a traditional social organization, popular topic the family is one

全文：部落族系,在历史进程中这套婚俗、家庭礼仪不断完善规范,具有鲜明的民族与地域特点。 甘青藏族牧区是典型的藏族牧区之一,同我国其他牧区一样,甘青牧区的牧民正普遍面临的定居趋势。随着牧民定居进度的加快,固有

体验经济背景下基于市场的秦岭北麓观光农业园开发研究

作者： 宋秀云   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 秦岭北麓   客源市场   观光农业园   体验经济  

描述： 观光农业是农业和旅游业的结合,它的出现对一直被“三农问题”困扰的我国来讲犹如拨开浓雾见彩虹,既可以完善农业生产功能,又扩展了旅游领域;既提高了人们的生活水平,又维护了良好的生态环境。因此,自其兴起,便以前所未有的速度在我国迅速发展开来。但随着资源开发和经济发展,如何改善生态环境,维持社会经济的发展成

全文：北麓观光农业的发展提供了思路。 本文通过研究得出如下主要结论: (1)本文认为观光农业园是以开发具有旅游价值的农业资源和农业产品为前提,以乡村的独特景观和农业活动为吸引物,以城市居民为主要客源市场,以满足

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：,太仓库岁入额通常仅指太仓库额定收入款项内得到的财政收入,也就是其正赋,户部在其正赋之外通过挪借等手段从其他财政体系中所得到的款项通常被算入岁支银额中,而不被算入岁入银额中。再者,太仓库发展的重要促动

1933-1945年甘肃经济建设研究

作者： 裴庚辛   来源： 华中师范大学 年份： 2008 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 1933—1945   甘肃商业   甘肃工业   甘肃金融业   甘肃农业  

描述： 近代甘肃经济落后,农业生产仍是传统的耕作方式,产量低下;工业则没有几家近代工厂,主要是手工业工场或家庭手工业作坊,新式工业尚处于起步阶段。再加上灾荒频发,烟毒横行,地方当局借禁种之名行罚款之实。甘肃人民生活困苦不堪。与落后的经济水平相对应,近代甘肃的金融机构主要有票号、钱庄(银号)、当铺等几种形式,

全文：落后的甘肃,银行的发展受政局的影响更大。在近代中田社会频繁的政权更迭和剧烈的经济变动中,银行在艰难挣扎中前行,虽然发展缓慢但却呈现上升的发展趋势。 二十世纪三十年代,随着日本侵华的深入,东北沦陷,华北

宋朝宣抚使制度研究

作者： 郑丽萍   来源： 河北大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 中央集权   地方军政   行政制度   宋朝   宣抚使  

描述： as the top power in local areas.Famous politician and prime minister in feudal China Li Gang once said,“From the forefather，Xuan Fu was the most important position which can be held by current archon."

全文：日益扩大,任职者官资趋于下降、辖区固定化、属官增多,文臣为正、武臣为副等特点,一度还出现了以宦官和降将为宣抚使的情况。 宋朝宣抚使制度的历史作用是多方面的,突出地表现在军事领域,宣抚使在北宋时期即成

我国农村微型金融服务及风险防范研究

作者： 刘星   来源： 西南财经大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农村经济   微型金融服务   风险控制   农村金融  

描述： Finance is the core of modern economy. Economy determines finance and finance counter-react to economy. Keeping a virtuous cycle between economic

全文：机构服务能力低、风险水平高等诸多问题,在很大程度上制约着农村经济的发展。二十世纪七、八十年代国外出现的“微型金融的革命”颠覆了传统商业银行“嫌贫爱富”的经验理念,因此,在深入研究农村微型金融服务基本理论

黄河文明之近代转型研究

作者： 曲丽丽   来源： 山东师范大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 母亲河   农耕文明   黄河文明   近代转型  

描述： 中华大地，物华天宝、人杰地灵，中华文化，源远流长、博大精深。黄河是中华民族的母亲河，是中华文明的摇篮地，黄河文明是中华文明的主体和核心。20实际八十年代的电视纪录片《河殇》指出黄河能给予我们的已经给予了我们的祖先，在旧机体上生发不出新文明，简单粗暴的宣判了黄河文明的死刑。《河殇》的出现正是五四以来中

全文：大多起源于黄河流域；中华汉字衍生于黄河流域；儒、道、墨、法、兵、阴阳等中华元典智慧体系诞生于黄河流域；以“四大发明”为主体的中国古代科技发明诞生于黄河流域；以二十四节气为主的天文历法体系诞生在黄河流域

马疏及“日损益斋”诗文研究

作者： 王忠禄   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 马疏   农事诗   唱和诗   陇右地域文化   陇右文学精神   日损益斋古文   陇右文学   日损益斋古今体诗   题画诗  

描述： e points about studying of Longyou area literature.

全文：安定区)人。《甘肃通志》有传。马疏于嘉庆二十五年(1820)考中进士,入词垣,成为翰林。散馆后,铨授江西龙南县,因父亲请求改任近县,即改铨陕西府谷知县。此后,历任洛南、富平、咸宁等县知县。在陕西府谷

中国古代害虫观念与防治技术研究

作者： 龚光明   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 观念   防治技术   农作物害虫   中国古代  

描述： 中国古代以农立国,农业丰歉直接关乎社会稳定、人类幸福。因此,农业害虫一直受到关注,人们不断探索、总结其规律及应对措施。在生产实践中,害虫观念、防治技术在继承的基础上不断发展与更新。不同时期害虫观念的变化对防治政策的制定及防治技术的实施产生深远影响。 古代农业害虫以蝗、螟、好蚄及未知名害虫为主,次数依

全文：更趋制度化。多次颁布法令,责成地方官于虫蝻生发时扑打、申报。并诏令州县正官通过翻耕或焚烧解决蝗卵问题,以防次年滋生蝗灾。陈旉从气的运行原理认为害虫是气的正常运行受到破坏、偏离常规所致。董煟则主张针对蝗虫