西周井田制新探

作者： 张勋   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 宗族公社   西周土地宗族说   井田制  

描述： 井田制问题由来已久，自孟子起已两千余载，至今仍是扑朔迷离，列代大圣高贤都有宝贵箴言，研究成果粲然丰硕。但前人提及井田制，多有否认井田制者，认为井田多是孟子基于现实的理想化制度。因为关于井田制度的历史记载多有冲突，如《孟子》与《周礼》记载不符，且即使是《周礼》本身记载也是自相矛盾，后世的记载更是与这两

全文：。而《诗经》多处记载农业为集体劳作，加之其生产水平有限，实现个体家庭生产似乎是微乎其微，而我们知道井田的存在必须是个体家庭生产为基础的。 本文即从此出发，试论述井田制存在的合理性及其特征，明确本文的观点

甘肃省定西市作物秸秆资源利用与低碳农业发展研究

作者： 张启霞   来源： 四川师范大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 秸秆碳储量   定西市   秸秆利用   碳循环   低碳农业  

描述： 农业是人类生活的基础，农作物作为农业的主要组成部分，它既是碳的排放源，又是碳的吸收汇。作物既能通过呼吸作用增加碳的排放，又可以通过光合作用吸收并固定碳。农田植被是农田生态系统碳库的重要组成部分之一，作物秸秆又是农田植被的主体部分，作物秸秆利用对农田植被碳的固定和排放具有重要的影响。研究农作物的秸秆资

全文：资源量估算模型和秸秆碳储量估算模型估算定西市及其6县1区小麦、玉米和马铃薯等三种主要农作物秸秆资源量及其碳储量的基础上，为该市秸秆资源高效合理的利用与低碳农业发展提出了相应的对策和措施。通过研究得出以下

茶与唐代诗之探究

作者： 梁先润   来源： 暨南大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 茶诗   儒   白居易   唐人饮茶之风   道   释  

描述： ortant role in advocating it

全文：白居易那样对于种茶、烹茶、品茶均有心得,又创作了很多茶文学作品,因此,白居易的诸多茶诗,必然成为了唐代茶文化、茶文学研究所关注的焦点。白居易的作品不仅在质、量上有一定的水平与份量,而且其中蕴含的生命力

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：等机构的存银进行贴补。另一方面,随着太仓库岁入逋欠的日益严重,太仓库实际岁支年例银的数额不断下降。万历末期到崇祯朝,太仓库旧库的额定年例银岁支总数停止了上升的势头,较以前的银额稍有下降,并大致保持在这一水平

干旱半干旱地区农田灌溉节水治理模式及其绩效研究

作者： 刘涛   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 灌溉   效率   用水者协会   制度建设   自主治理  

描述： the world's resource is 6%, but the average water resource to the world's average level is just 1

全文：中国面临着严重的水短缺问题,尤其是西北干旱半干旱地区。我国淡水资源总量占全球水资源的6%,但人均占有量仅为世界平均水平的1／4、美国的1／5,在世界上名列121位,是全球13个人均水资源最贫乏的国家

中国北方地区节水农作制度研究

作者： 王婧   来源： 沈阳农业大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 北方地区   节水   节水技术   节水农作制度   种植模式  

描述： ium between the grain production and water resource: the drought and the irrigation area in northeast china, the drought and the irrigation region in Huanghuaihai area, the drought and the irrigation area in northwest china.The article analized the characteristic of water using of the main crops and the main cropping systems, compared the economic benefit of the water-saving planting patterns, studied the economic benefit, the water-saving benefit and participatory farmers survey results etc. of the water-saving technologies.

全文：节水种植模式的产量与节水效益,分析各区主要节水技术的节水效果、经济效益与参与式农民调查结果,主要结论如下: (1)东北灌区面临的主要问题是如何提高农业水资源的利用率,主要通过节水技术的应用与推广来实现

日常生活变迁中的教育

作者： 顾月琴   来源： 华东师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 识字   职业教育   社会变迁   杂字   明清   教材  

描述： ty and

全文：,分析了杂字与传统识字教材“三百千”的异同。民国期间新式学堂普遍建立但杂字依然为百姓所接受,建国初期及改革开放后,为配合农村扫盲教育,全国编写了各类杂字教材来提高农民的文化水平,这些都体现出杂字对后世

周秦汉晋时期农业灾害和农业减灾方略研究

作者： 卜风贤   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2001 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 周秦汉晋   减灾方略   农业灾害   历史研究  

描述： 农业灾害的历史与农业生产的发展相始终。在古代社会，中国农业灾害频繁发生，对农业生产和国民经济造成严重危害和破坏。在现代灾害学昌兴的新的历史形势下，农业灾害史的研究需要汲取灾害学的理论成果，重新审视古代灾害的发生发展及农业减灾的措施和成效。为此，本文研究了周秦汉晋时期的农业灾害和农业减灾方略。全文由三

全文：。 针对历史农业灾害史料处理中存在的法则零乱问题，本文提出了灾害史料灾度等级量化办法，根据现代灾害学中的灾度理论，确立了1度灾害的基准线，在此基础上，依据历史灾害资料的有关信息，以灾区大小、灾情状况和灾期

黄土高原农田土壤有机碳空间变异性

作者： 张志霞   来源： 中国科学院研究生院（教育部水土保持与生态环境研究中心） 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 不确定性   尺度效应   农田有机碳   黄土高原   空间变异  

描述： 伴随着生态环境问题的不断出现，各类碳问题逐渐成为科学家们探讨的热点。作为陆地生态系统最大的碳库，土壤碳库储量的估算存在较大的不确定性，有机碳空间变异是其不确定的重要原因之一。受人为活动的强烈影响，农田土壤有机碳具有较大的空间变异。在黄土高原地区，由于地形起伏大、地貌类型多样，进一步增加了农田土壤有机

全文：，建立合理的土壤采样布点方案具有重要的理论和现实意义。主要得出以下结论： （1）黄土高原不同地貌类型区及对应的县域尺度下，土壤有机碳空间变异性具有尺度效应，丘陵区的有机碳含量与变异系数尺度效应较为明显

陕西白水苹果园土壤元素分布与环境研究

作者： 董红梅   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 人为富集   土壤剖面   自然富集   元素分布   预测模型   白水苹果园  

描述： 土壤是人类赖以生存的重要自然资源,而土壤元素的丰缺情况直接影响着农产品的品质和产量。研究土壤元素的组成,不仅能认识土壤元素的垂直分布特征及成因,而且对揭示人类活动的污染强度和影响深度,对改善土壤质量实现农业可持续发展具有重要意义。黄土高原是中国乃至世界优质苹果生产基地之一,但多年种植造成果园土壤质量

全文：模型。采用单因子和综合指数法对土壤剖面的重金属含量进行了环境评价,利用磁化率和色度对土壤重金属含量进行了快速诊断与预测。 获得了以下主要结果与认识： (1)土壤以粉砂为主,pH值为7.0-8.3,呈中