中国道教农业史——农业思想初探

作者： 赵文杰   来源： 山东大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农学   道家   农业   道教   思想  

描述： he civilization of agriculture of China has a long history.

全文：地表示了道教对于农业的重视。虽然其中内容多似《吕氏春秋》中的农学理论,但也不乏道教学者的独到理解和发挥。五代道士谭峭《化书》中的“食化”篇,延承《太平经》中“三急”学说,进一步论证了衣食作为生存之根本

青海藏族阿柔部落社会历史文化研究

作者： 王云   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 宁玛派   五世达赖   阿柔   百户   藏族人   河南县   安多政教史   祁连县   嘉措   扎乡  

描述： 本论文以青海藏族土著游牧部落阿柔部落为研究对象,以祁连县阿柔部落为研究重点,对其历史、宗教、社会和文化首次进行了系统研究,对探究我国新时期藏族部落的沉潜与其传统文化的传承、保护与发展具有重要的参考价值。 用历史文献法研究了该部落的族源与早期发展、分裂与迁徙以及阿柔三部的最终形成,厘清了其地理分布；对

全文：传统草原部落游牧经济到半定居半游牧的社会转型将在2009年新一轮五年期集中定居项目中进一步深化,这将彻底改变其千百年来的生存方式和家居模式。 用人类学的理论与方法以及田野调查法和口述史研究了阿柔部落

中国少数民族民间剪纸文化研究

作者： 马莉萍   来源： 中央民族大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 绣花底样   口传身授   宗教剪纸   少数民族剪纸  

描述： ltureofculturalsPaceandsocial memorie

全文：的剪纸的也面临同样的境遇,因此抢救少数民族剪纸的工作迫在眉睫,尤其是传承人、口传身授的传承模式及民族剪纸艺术生存的文化生态环境的保护。

剪纸艺术的形式特征及象征意蕴

作者： 别淑花   来源： 山东师范大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 剪纸艺术   象征意蕴   形式特征   传承意义  

描述： eristic.

全文：本文以我国传统民间剪纸艺术作为研究对象,它作为我国民间特有的一种艺术形式,具有独特的形式特征。剪纸艺术生存于中国的民间,反映了中国民间艺人的生活和思考,具有象征性的文化艺术形式。 形式特征是艺术品

盛唐士人的隐逸与王维“山水人格”的塑造

作者： 庞君民   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 山水人格   王维   隐逸   盛唐  

描述： , prosperity

全文：的自我抒情形象。本文将这种体现在王维诗歌里的人格形象称之为“山水人格”。 王维的“山水人格”是诗人理想人格的体现，表现了诗人高超的生存智慧。诗人以儒家的“守仁”、隐士的德操、道家的超脱，佛禅的空静随缘为

《水经注》所见关中地区城邑聚落研究

作者： 朱莉娜   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 关中地区   《水经注》   汉至北朝   城邑聚落  

描述： 《水经注》是公元六世纪北魏郦道元所著的我国古代较完整的一部以记载河道水系为主的综合性地理著作。全书记载了大量的聚落地名,包括城、乡、亭、聚、戍、坞、堡等,它们都是县级以下的较小聚落,同时也记载了县级以上的大量城邑。关中地区是我国文明发祥最早的地区之一。渭河作为关中盆地的母亲河,与关中盆地原始聚落的聚

全文：,直观反映当时人们的生存生活状况以及社会结构,进而全面系统的展现当时社会的政治景观、经济景观。城市等级制度的完善及军事功能增强体现了王朝森严的等级制度,由两汉的“农业都市”到魏晋时期城乡融合的编户社会

黄土丘陵区乡村聚落发展及其空间结构研究

作者： 郭晓东   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 空间结构   演变机制   乡村聚落   秦安县   葫芦河流域   黄土丘陵区  

描述： 聚落地理是人文地理学的重要研究内容，是研究人地关系的一个重要切入点。但是自第二次世界大战结束以后，随着各国城市建设和城市经济的恢复与快速发展，国际地理学界将研究的重心逐渐转向城市，乡村聚落地理的研究日益弱化。在中国，随着城市化战略的实施和城市的快速发展，中国地理界和规划界更是将研究的目标集中于城市，

全文：破碎，属黄土丘陵沟壑区。秦安县也是我国较早开发的地区之一，农业发展具有十分悠久的历史。随着人口的不断增长，人地关系日益恶化。在人口与生存压力的驱动下，乡村聚落在空间上不断扩散，形成了极其分散的乡村聚落

清末民初关中地区的农田水利纠纷及其解决途径

作者： 赵淑清   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 清末民初   解决途径   关中地区   农田水利纠纷   特征  

描述： society. The central Shaanxi Province lies in the northwest inner-land, lacking in water resources. Although there have been major farmland irrigation projects and perfect management system in the Qin and Han Dynasty, the times of the Sui and Tang Dynasty, the situation of water depletion could not be changed radically.

全文：加剧了用水矛盾。迫于生存压力,人们不惜一切代价争水,水利纠纷事件频频发生,这在以前任何时期都是没有过的,究其原因十分复杂。 本文以清末民初关中地区农田水利纠纷案例为出发点,利用官方统计资料、官方档案

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：。明代国家财政的目标是通过最小限度地征收民众财富以满足维持国家正常运行的基本需求,其背后隐含的理念是要最大限度地保障最大多数人的基本物质生存条件。私人利益与国家公共利益之间的冲突是明代财政制度中的根本矛盾

光绪朝（1875-1908）灾荒研究

作者： 张高臣   来源： 山东大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 近代义赈   光绪朝自然灾害   灾荒观   社会影响   荒政  

描述： cal changes took place in China. In the wars lunched against China by France, Japan and the Eight-power Allied Forces, imperial force made its way into China step by step and China was transforming itself into a semi-colonial, semi-feudal society.

全文：”和赈济政策的实施,既减少了封建国家的财政收入,又增加了其财政支出,不可避免地使财政收支失衡的局面愈加恶化。其二,重灾频发严重破坏了农田生态系统,无情地摧毁了农民生存、农业发展的基本条件;它既造成了广大