河西走廊多元民族文化互动研究

作者： 李元元   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 多元民族文化   河西走廊   互动  

描述： The Gansu Corridor area is the important multi-ethnic community of our country.

全文：推动河西走廊多元民族文化互动的人文基础。③现代化进程是河西走廊多元民族文化互动的社会推动力。河西走廊各民族成员的跨族籍文化实践行为是河西走廊多元民族文化互动最直接的微观动因。四、河西走廊多元文化互动

古代中国与斯里兰卡的文化交流研究

作者： 索毕德   sobhitha   来源： 山东大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 佛教   文化交流   佛牙   比丘尼   斯里兰卡   中国   僧人  

描述： pects of exchanges. Buddhism played a prominent and decisive role in establishing cultural relationships between the two countries. The main Cultural exchanges between two countries

全文：使节的互访也是中、斯两国友好文化交流的关键因素。 佛教典籍、佛教艺术是中、斯佛教交流中不可或缺的媒介。佛牙本身具有特殊的文化价值、社会价值,在中、斯佛教文化交流中拥有无可替代的地位。关于佛牙的巡礼

盛唐士人的隐逸与王维“山水人格”的塑造

作者： 庞君民   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 山水人格   王维   隐逸   盛唐  

描述： , prosperity

全文：盛唐隐逸风气炽盛，归其因主要是唐王朝对隐士优渥有加。另外，科举的兴盛、别业的繁盛、佛禅的大兴也起了一定的作用。唐帝王对隐士的厚遇造成了整个社会对隐士的推崇，于是，以隐求仕成了盛唐士人们步登青云的捷径

渭北旱原地膜小麦肥水规律与技术决策研究

作者： 任广鑫   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2001 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 渭北旱原   栽培技术   地膜小麦   施肥模型  

描述： 论文题目：渭北旱原地膜小麦肥水规律与技术决策研究 作者简介：任广鑫，男，1969年生，1998年从师于杨改河教授，于2001年毕业于生态学专业并获理学硕士学位。 渭北旱原是陕西省农业生产发展潜力最大的中产区，也是重要的畜产品、果品基地和能源化工基地。该区水资源缺乏，农业基础设施比较薄弱，产业化程度不

全文：的中产区，也是重要的畜产品、果品基地和能源化工基地。该区水资源缺乏，农业基础设施比较薄弱，产业化程度不高，农民人均收入较低。该区冬小麦常年种植面积占陕西省小麦总面积的1/3，由于水分限制使光温生产潜力

银川市耕地变化与基本农田空间布局优化研究

作者： 李建春   来源： 中国农业大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： GIS   耕地   土地评价   基本农田   土地利用/覆被变化  

描述： 耕地是土地资源中的精华,人们获取农产品的基础条件。结合我国人多地少的国情,以及城市化过程中不可避免占用耕地的状况,更加凸显了耕地保护研究的重要性。通过选取西部地区具有典型代表的银川市作为研究区,结合遥感和GIS,分析了在快速城市化背景下区域耕地变化规律性特点,识别耕地变化关键驱动因子,预测耕地变化趋

全文：和科学支撑,本研究主要结论如下： (1)在快速城市化的背景下,通过对银川市耕地数量、空间与质量变化规律分析表明：1989-2009年间,耕地表现出持续快速膨胀式扩张的特点。1999年前,耕地增加主要

农业文化遗产景观研究初探

作者： 赵维真   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2012 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 可持续性旅游   农业文化遗产景观   保护与开发   文化遗产  

描述： 当今世界在经历了十八世纪的工业革命、二十世纪下半叶的经济快速增长之后,步入了全球经济一体化的二十一世纪。世界各国科学研究飞速发展,高新技术日新月异,新生学科应接不暇…..近百年来地球人近乎疯狂地改天换地,把自己原本十分美好的家园弄得面目全非。空前的繁华掩盖不了隐藏着的巨大危机,物种灭绝、灾难频繁、环

全文：。暮然回首,人们才突然发现已经失去了自己原本美好的家园!面对严酷的现实人类有些不知所措,迫使惊慌之余的人们开始认真反思自身的行为。哥本哈根世界气候变化大会的召开,揭开了人类社会新的一页,也迎来了整个

茶与唐代诗之探究

作者： 梁先润   来源： 暨南大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 茶诗   儒   白居易   唐人饮茶之风   道   释  

描述： ortant role in advocating it

全文：、茶道茶德、饮茶方式的流变、饮茶活动所呈现的文化现象……等等,成绩十分超卓。然而,近代学者对于唐代茶文化的研究,大多侧重在整体历史层面的流变介绍或有关社会文化层面的思想内蕴。至于茶与唐代文人诗的作品在

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：本文以明代太仓库为研究对象,从基本财政体制及国家与社会互动的角度,用动态的眼光对其进行考察。其基本目标是展现太仓库作为明代中央财政核心库藏机构的制度设置、管理、变更历程,考察太仓库收支项目、数量

体验经济背景下基于市场的秦岭北麓观光农业园开发研究

作者： 宋秀云   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 秦岭北麓   客源市场   观光农业园   体验经济  

描述： ,便以前所未有的速度在我国迅速发展开来。但随着资源开发和经济发展,如何改善生态环境,维持社会经济的发展成

全文：,便以前所未有的速度在我国迅速发展开来。但随着资源开发和经济发展,如何改善生态环境,维持社会经济的发展成为秦岭北麓虐待解决的问题,而观光农业则是消除这一症状的一剂良药,因此,对于秦岭北麓观光农业的研究就

宁南旱区应变型种植制度的机理与技术体系构建

作者： 王龙昌   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2001 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 机理   应变型种植制度   决策系统   技术体系－   干早   旱区农业  

描述： 旱地农业在我国和世界农业生产中都占据十分重要的地位，随着人口增长，人类面临的食 物短缺、水资源危机及环境恶化的形势更加严峻，旱地农业发展受到广大旱区国家高度重视， 并在早区农作制度研究方面取得许多重大进展。 宁南旱区地处黄土高原西北端，属黄河中游黄土丘陵沟壑区，旱作农田占总耕地面积的 90％。该区气

全文：利用和农业可持续发展，实 现社会效益、经济效益与生态效益协同增长。 全文共分九章。第一章是引言，在全面论述日益严峻的水资源短缺态势和干旱加剧趋势基 础上，对国内外旱区农作制度研究进展进行概括综述，展示