家庭联产承包责任制与现代农业的统一性研究

作者： 余保鹏   来源： 华中师范大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 家庭联产承包责任制   农业现代化   现代农业  

描述： People's commune", then later "the agrarian management revolution", the "household responsibility system". Accordingly, each transformation has also had the enormous influence to the agricultural production development. Each correct adjustment of agricultural

全文：。 第三部分阐述了我国发展现代农业的状况,指出发展中存在的问题,并从制度、市场、工业化、社会支持以及农村政治文化建设等方面分析存在问题的原因。 第四部分从横向比较阐述了国外及我国台湾地区农地改革的经验及其对

农村公共服务的社区化问题研究

作者： 贾先文   来源： 湖南农业大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 供给机制   农村公共服务   居民参与   社区化  

描述： "three rural issues".

全文：”社区化实践的作用和存在的问题,认为还不是真正的社区化。 接着分析了农村公共服务社区化的宏观环境和微观条件。农村社会、经济、政治文化的发展,支农惠农政策的支持,为我国农村公共服务社区化创造了宏观环境。农村

甘州区农业用水的绩效及影响因素分析

作者： 秦宏毅   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： Logistic回归模型   影响因素分析   农民用水户协会   绩效分析   网络层次分析法  

描述： 随着原有农村灌溉管理制度暴露各种问题,在现实中水资源管理也遇到了一系列的困境。此时,我国灌溉管理制度在国际背景参与式管理热潮下,开始推行农民用水户协会来实现农民自主参与灌溉管理的新制度。成立农民用水户协会后,因为其管水用水更合理,实现了降低了交易费用、明晰了水利工程的产权、并促进了节约用水、增强了农

全文：支持力度不够、缺乏良好的发展环境,协会运行管理经费不足和水利工程设施产权界定明晰度不够等问题；并根据这些问题提出了相关的政策建议,包括打破行政格局,提倡按水文边界构建用水户协会；加强宣传工作,切实提高

河西内陆河灌区覆盖免耕储水灌溉节水技术初步研究

作者： 姚宝林   来源： 甘肃农业大学 年份： 2005 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 土壤水分   覆盖免耕   产量效应   储水灌溉   土壤温度   灌溉效率  

描述： 我省河西内陆河流域,是我国主要的粮食生产基地,也是我省经济相对发达的区域。但在经济快速发展的同时,也出现了各种各样的社会生态环境问题:如土地荒漠化加重;盐碱化面积增大;水资源利用程度过高等。目前经济的发展还主要是以消耗资源为主的粗放式济济增长模式。为了走可持续的社会发展模式,解决水资源与社会经济发展

全文：流域的推广应用提供理论依据和技术支持。1 覆盖免耕的节水效应。在夏季休闲期,覆盖免耕具有保蓄降雨和减少土壤蒸发的作用:比常规耕作和秸秆还田耕作分别多贮水30.62mm 和23.91mm,且主要集中在

中国家驴的母系起源与遗传多样性研究

作者： 葛庆兰   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 线粒体DNA   母系起源   遗传多样性   中国家驴  

描述： 为了研究中国家驴的起源进化与遗传多样性,本研究利用线粒体DNA(mtDNA) D-loop序列分析方法对我国12个家驴品种126个个体进行分析,这些家驴品种为泌阳驴、德州驴、关中驴、淮北灰驴、佳米驴、蒙古驴、凉州驴、庆阳驴、太行驴、西吉驴、新疆驴和云南驴。通过数据分析本研究所得出的主要结论如下: (

全文：所有单倍型绘制了网络图,中国家驴同样分成相互独立的两个支系,均呈现星状发育模式,其中单倍型CD1和CD5分别位于索马里驴支系和努比亚驴支系的中心,从而进一步支持了NJ树的分析结果。中国家驴的序列和亚洲

体验经济背景下基于市场的秦岭北麓观光农业园开发研究

作者： 宋秀云   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 秦岭北麓   客源市场   观光农业园   体验经济  

描述： 观光农业是农业和旅游业的结合,它的出现对一直被“三农问题”困扰的我国来讲犹如拨开浓雾见彩虹,既可以完善农业生产功能,又扩展了旅游领域;既提高了人们的生活水平,又维护了良好的生态环境。因此,自其兴起,便以前所未有的速度在我国迅速发展开来。但随着资源开发和经济发展,如何改善生态环境,维持社会经济的发展成

全文：北麓观光农业的发展提供了思路。 本文通过研究得出如下主要结论: (1)本文认为观光农业园是以开发具有旅游价值的农业资源和农业产品为前提,以乡村的独特景观和农业活动为吸引物,以城市居民为主要客源市场,以满足

古籍智能处理技术研究

作者： 常娥   年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 古籍数字化   自动校勘   古籍整理专家系统   自动编幕   农业古籍  

描述： 我国古籍数字化工作起步于20世纪80年代初，至今已经取得了令人瞩目的成就，主要标志是一批大规模、基础性的古籍著作被开发为真正意义上的数字化产品，并成功走向市场。相关研究论文很多，其中主要对古籍数字化的现状、发展趋势及对策进行了探讨，对古籍数字化取得的成果、数字化技术进行了介绍，然而很少见到有关古籍内

全文：支持功能，最后建立一套完整的古籍整理专家系统，这已经成为当前古籍数字化工作的重点内容之一。 本文以农业古籍为研究对象，对利用计算机技术进行农业古籍数字化的各个方面进行了深入研究，分析探讨了古籍数字化相关

中国北方现代人扩散与农业起源的环境考古学观察

作者： 吉笃学   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 文化对环境的响应   BP事件   新旧石器过渡   中晚期过渡   现代人起源   农业起源   新石器   末次盛冰期   7.2   6.4kyr  

描述： 环境考古学是通过环境和文化之间关系的研究来揭示人类如何适应环境变化，如何调整自己的状态以缓解各种压力，从而实现规避风险保全自己的目的，为人类未来的生存和发展提供有益的借鉴。 人类对环境变化的反应一般采取两种策略：一是响应；二是适应。目前，现代人扩散和农业起源是了解和认识人类适应策略的最理想的案例。为

全文：的环境反应模式。结果发现： 1．在22kyr BP和21kyr BP左右的末次盛冰期，宁夏彭阳和甘肃秦安相继出现了与现代人有关的细石器制品，说明现代人已扩散到陇西黄土高原的腹地。 2．ZL005地点的黄土

《诗经》中生活习俗研究

作者： 王志芳   来源： 山东大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 生活习俗   考古发现   综合分析   《诗经》   文献记载  

描述： 《诗经》以其记载历史的真实性和记叙内容的丰富性，加之诗歌特有的简洁、凝练、含蓄的艺术性，激发着历代学者的研究热情。许多学者从民俗学角度关注其中的生活习俗，挖掘和探究其深厚的民俗文化内涵。随着考古学的发展，考古资料逐渐被引进《诗经》研究领域，推动了《诗经》研究的进一步发展。本文在借助前人研究成果基础上

全文：语言表现出来的诸多生活习俗，基本上能找得到与之相应的考古实物，并有《诗经》之外大量古典文献予以资料的支持。《诗经》记载和考古实物相互印证，说明了文献记载与考古发现的一致性，从而充分证实了《诗经》对历史

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：为紧急军情、地方灾荒提供财政支持和救济的能力。至崇祯末年,户部将太仓库财政收入的征收和管理权力全部下放给地方政府和各军镇,太仓库成为一个虚设的空壳。 太仓库的岁入类项是逐步由少到多发展起来的。除内库