“一线两带”区域特色农业发展激励机制研究

作者： 方伟   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2005 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农户   激励机制   特色农业   一线两带  

描述： 区域特色农业发展要求将本地区的农业资源优势转化为市场竞争中的竞争优势,区域相对优势在经济中的表现,就是相对成本较低,在市场机制有效发挥情况下,成本优势必然会使各个地区发展农业时用自身资源优势来参与竞争,从宏观格局上体现出特色农业发展状态。陕西“一线两带”地区,一方面在农业资源方面具有比较优势,另一方

全文：解决的问题有,明确了特色农业发展的主体以及激励机制建立的目标和原则。 第三章,“一线两带”区域特色农业激励机制建立的动因。本章分析了农户在不同市场环境下决策的差别,得出“一线两带”地区特色农业激励机制

清末民初关中地区的农田水利纠纷及其解决途径

作者： 赵淑清   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 清末民初   解决途径   关中地区   农田水利纠纷   特征  

描述： society. The central Shaanxi Province lies in the northwest inner-land, lacking in water resources. Although there have been major farmland irrigation projects and perfect management system in the Qin and Han Dynasty, the times of the Sui and Tang Dynasty, the situation of water depletion could not be changed radically.

全文：分,农田水利纠纷的解决过程。调解依然是解决纠纷的主要方式。在调解过程中,地方政府、乡村精英、民间管理组织等扮演了不同的角色;乡规民约依旧占据主导地位,新的用水规则作用突显。第五部分,总结清末民初关中地区

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：将之作为研究整个有明一代太仓库发展、演变以及不同时期地位作用变化的核心文献。同时,本文利用各朝制书,如洪武时期《诸司职掌》、正德《明会典》、万历《明会典》、万历《太仓考》以及《万历会计录》等文献,对太仓

光绪朝（1875-1908）灾荒研究

作者： 张高臣   来源： 山东大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 近代义赈   光绪朝自然灾害   灾荒观   社会影响   荒政  

描述： cal changes took place in China. In the wars lunched against China by France, Japan and the Eight-power Allied Forces, imperial force made its way into China step by step and China was transforming itself into a semi-colonial, semi-feudal society.

全文：的一个主因。同时,每次大灾均造成天文数字的灾民以不同的流动形态和流向逃荒外流。这种灾民流动,既带有传统社会的一般特点,又反映出了光绪朝社会变迁的一些基本特征。与以上两点相联系,大量人口的死亡和外流

我国农村微型金融服务及风险防范研究

作者： 刘星   来源： 西南财经大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农村经济   微型金融服务   风险控制   农村金融  

描述： Finance is the core of modern economy. Economy determines finance and finance counter-react to economy. Keeping a virtuous cycle between economic

全文：的基础上,结合我国农村金融风险的现状,探讨农村微型服务的风险防范和安全体系,具有重要的理论和实践意义。 1、论文的主要内容 全文分为前言和正文两个部分。前言部分首先阐述了论文选题的国内外背景和研究意义

光绪朝（1875-1908）灾荒研究

作者： 张高臣   来源： 山东大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 近代义赈   灾荒观   光绪朝自然灾害   社会影响   荒政  

描述： 光绪朝34年间,正处在中国封建统治崩溃的前夜,是中国社会发生剧烈变动的一个时期：通过中法战争、中日战争和八国联军侵华战争,帝国主义的势力步步深入,中国社会迅速向着半殖民地半封建的性质转化。伴随着民族危机的加深和清王朝封建统治的日暮穷途,中国社会内部相继发生了洋务运动、维新变法运动、义和团运动和辛亥革

全文：的一个主因。同时,每次大灾均造成天文数字的灾民以不同的流动形态和流向逃荒外流。这种灾民流动,既带有传统社会的一般特点,又反映出了光绪朝社会变迁的一些基本特征。与以上两点相联系,大量人口的死亡和外流

汉代农业生产管理研究

作者： 黄富成   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农耕文明   小农经济   农业技术   汉代   农业生产   政府管理  

描述： 农业是自然再生产和社会再生产的统一，是社会经济的基础，是整个古代世界具有决定性的生产部门。两汉时期，为巩固集权统治地位，政府加强了对社会经济干预的程度，农业生产和发展的各种资源性要素，如土地配置、人口流动、技术传播、铁器布控、经济交流乃至农本文化的宣教、农田开发等因受集权政府政治、经济发展的战略及制

全文：、人口流动、技术传播、铁器布控、经济交流乃至农本文化的宣教、农田开发等因受集权政府政治、经济发展的战略及制度管理的机制制约，在不同时期、不同地区发生作用的形式和实现的途径而各异。本文通过探讨汉代政府

马疏及“日损益斋”诗文研究

作者： 王忠禄   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 马疏   农事诗   唱和诗   陇右地域文化   陇右文学精神   日损益斋古文   陇右文学   日损益斋古今体诗   题画诗  

描述： e points about studying of Longyou area literature.

全文：的农村生活画面,朴素清新。马疏农事诗为当时诗坛带来不少清新气息,与满纸考据、义理的清诗迥然不同。作为清代陇右著名诗人,马疏的赠答诗亦不容忽视。他继承了前代诗人优秀赠答诗传统,抒写真情,使其形成了自己

性别语境中的土族民间叙事研究

作者： 白晓霞   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 性别语境   民间叙事   土族  

描述： lk narratives in the gender context is performed. The term "gender context" refers to a cultural context that is closely linked with the "social gender".

全文：典型的中国传统乡村经济伦理。所以，土族女性的个我发展与思想变化都呈现出了与汉族地区女性发展问题不同的特点。简单地来说，八十年代土族女性的发展是一种裂变式地发展，即女性一方面不得不中规中矩地守望着传统

文化认同与文化控制：秦汉民间信仰研究

作者： 李秋香   来源： 河南大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 文化控制   文化认同   功能变迁   秦汉   民间信仰  

描述： le's understanding and regarding for the universe and the life at that time.

全文：控制类型主要分为禁忌类、巫术类、儒家伦理类、宗教类等四大部分。它们分别在解除人们日常生活中的焦虑感、维护家庭和谐、保护个体生命及其身体健康、减缓社会矛盾、协调人与自然之间的关系、和合不同社会阶层地位