论魏晋国家政权与豪族大土地所有制的关系:抑兼并与“守清贫”

作者： 薛海波   来源： 史林 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 豪族   大土地所有制   魏晋  

描述： 的士族由于自身政治权力及其经济利益均需要国家政权的认可和赋予,因此必须要站在国家立场上抑制土地兼并。在九品中正制和占田荫亲荫客制的要求和保障下,士族往往通过"守清贫"的自律意识来抵制豪族的土地兼并,从而使魏晋豪族的经济形态呈现出"兼并"和"抑兼并"并存的矛盾局面。

河州屯田

作者： 马志勇   来源： 档案 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 赵充国   历代王朝   管屯   中央政权   屯寨   前凉   蕃弓箭手   青海省东南部   先零羌   巧立名色  

描述： 临夏古称河州,以黄河而得名。不过古代的河州,辖区比现在大很多,譬如前凉时期的河州,辖境包括今甘肃南部和青海省东南部。在这么一大块边境土地上屯田,当是中央政权的一种既定国策。所以,河州屯田自汉朝至民国

1950—1952年甘肃定西土地改革研究

作者： 苏琰李   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2012 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 定西县   新中国成立初期   土地改革  

描述： 从1950年末至1952年底，在中国共产党的领导下，全国新解放区开展了土地改革运动。与中国共产党领导的以往的土地改革运动不同，这次土改运动是在全国的人民政权已经建立的情况下开展的，建国初期中国共产党依然面对各种各样的挑战和不利局面，新区土改发生在这样一个非常时期，有着它的历史必然性。 其时，在拥有2

全文：各种破坏活动，妄想改天换日。完成土地改革是中国新民主主义革命的必然要求，也是巩固农村人民基层政权的需要。加之当时处于新旧经济体制转变中，国内面临严峻的经济形势，中共中央要实现我国财政经济状况的根本好转

清末民国时期农会组织研究

作者： 李永芳   来源： 四川大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农会组织   活动   清末民国时期   性质   特点   发展  

描述： 近代中国是一个由传统社会向现代社会转型的大变革时代，其中一个重要内容就是农民从传统的血缘关系、宗族组织中解放出来，逐渐成为农村社会政治经济关系的主体，而农会作为超越宗族关系的社会组织则在这一变迁过程中有着十分重要的意义。本文对于清末民国时期农会组织的发展状况，分为以下五个方面进行了探讨。 一、清朝末

全文：起来的。1921年9月成立的浙江萧山衙前农民协会是中国现代史上第一个具有鲜明阶级色彩、以解决农村社会矛盾为已任的新型农会。随后，广东海丰赤山、湖南衡山岳北等地农民协会相继建立。1924年1月国共合作实现后，国民党中央

十六国时期农业汉化问题研究

作者： 熊帝兵   惠富平   来源： 求索 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 汉化   十六国   农业   民族融合   农本  

描述： 十六国时期,匈奴、羯、氐、羌、鲜卑等少数民族先后在中原建立政权,同时也开始了农业汉化过程,他们逐步接受秦汉魏晋以来的农本思想,耕籍田、劝农桑、巡查督课；农业政策上,诸政权模仿前代,沿用封建赋税

唐代西北地区政治地理格局变动研究

作者： 魏昀   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 唐朝   疆域   羁縻府州   屯田   交通  

描述： th about three of culture and materials the country's territory changed a lot. The country's territory was in an extending period before and the An-Shi Armed Rebellion, and once extended to the Central Asia area.At the same time, the Tang government founded the Ji-Mi-Fu-Zhou system in the Western Regions. The situation changed rapidly when the An-Shi Armed Rebellion broke out. Then the central government mobilized the troops in the Western Regions to participating in putting down the Rebellion, so the border defence was weakened. Tu-bo took the chance to occupy a large amount of territory. Almost Long You Area was oppupied by Tu-bo later in Tang Dynasty. The thesis is divided into five chapters: political geography circumstance in northwest area in early Tang Dynasty，including the situation of physical geography and the nation regime; the political geography situation in the extending period of territory from Tai Zong to Gao Zong;the political geography situation in the stable period of territory from Wu-zhou era to An-Shi Armed Rebellion;the political geography situation in the shrinking period of territory after An-Shi Armed Rebellion;relationship between the change of political geography situation and economy and traffic. Conclusion: From A.D. 7th to 9th century，Asia-Erope Continent was a place where Tang, Da-shi and Tu-bo contended for political space. The country's power of politics, economy and military strengthened before An-Shi Armed Rebellion, and part of the Central Asia area belonged to Tang government. The territory reached to an unparalleled scale at that time, which can be divided into three parts: the capital area where Chang-an and Luoyang were located in was the empire's center of politics, culture and military; the Zheng-zhou that around the captals was where the finance of central government stemmed from; the Ji-mi-fu-zhou system Tang government founded in the frontier area was the military buffer zone with nation regimes in vicnity. At the same time, Tu-bo appeared in the stage of history in A.D 7th century. After the King Song-zan-gan-bu unified the Tibet plateau, Tu-bo's power strengthed rapidly and harassed Tang's frontiers inceasingly. The Tang government put the defense police actively into effect so as to resist Tu-bo's aggression and defend country's benefit in Long-you area. When An-Shi Armed Rebellion broke out, Tu-bo took the chance to occupy vast territory of Tang Dynasty, like Minzhou, Lanzhou, Kuozhou, Guazhou, and so on. Eventually, almost all Long-you areas belonging to Tang Dynasty was occupid by Tu-bo. In the field of geopolitics, the national power strengthened in the earlier stage of Tang Dynasty and stronger than Tu-bo. Tu-bo didn't have the strength contending with Tang Dynasty, even harassed the frontier once a while. Until the An-Shi Armed Rebellion, the Tang government had no more advantage and the national power was weakened.

全文：全国范围内编户齐民的正州,这些地区是中央政府的财富来源地:三是唐在边疆地区建立的羁縻府州系统,成为与周边民族政权对立时期的军事缓冲地带。这一时期,吐蕃登上了历史舞台,松赞干布统一西藏高原后,吐蕃实力逐渐壮大

从屯田到占田:魏晋之际土地私有制的全面确立

作者： 王明前   来源： 桂林师范高等专科学校学报 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 土地私有制   占田或课田   屯田   曹魏   西晋  

描述： 尽管土地国有制的屯田制是建安以来具有曹魏时代特色的土地所有制形式,对曹魏政权的立国具有举足轻重的意义。但是恢复私有小农经济仍然是曹魏政权施政的主导方向。西晋占田制是曹魏屯田制瓦解的必然结果和法律确认

清末农业新政研究

作者： 苑朋欣   来源： 河北师范大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 新政   农业   地方政府   清政府   清末  

描述： 在中国农业发展史上,清末新政时期是一个非常重要的历史阶段。其间,清政府制定和颁布了一系列改良和发展农业的新政策、新措施,各级地方政府对中央的这些政策和措施一般也能比较认真地贯彻实施,中国传统农业出现了一些明显的发展和变化。这自然会促进中国传统农业向现代农业的转化,推动中国农业现代化的进程。既反映了中

全文：在中国农业发展史上,清末新政时期是一个非常重要的历史阶段。其间,清政府制定和颁布了一系列改良和发展农业的新政策、新措施,各级地方政府对中央的这些政策和措施一般也能比较认真地贯彻实施,中国传统农业出现

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：本文以明代太仓库为研究对象,从基本财政体制及国家与社会互动的角度,用动态的眼光对其进行考察。其基本目标是展现太仓库作为明代中央财政核心库藏机构的制度设置、管理、变更历程,考察太仓库收支项目、数量

中国古代的“屯田戍边”

作者： 张运富   来源： 国防 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 中国古代史   赵充国   历代王朝   宣帝   弓马   移民实边   屯田戍边   北部地区   西羌   西汉初期  

描述： 在中国古代史上,一些擅长于弓马骑射的游牧民族,如匈奴、西羌、突厥、蒙古等先后崛起和称雄于中国北部地区,它们动辄牧马南下,骚扰中原,给中原地区的汉族政权带来极大威胁。为了稳定统治,巩固边防,历代王朝