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中国古代农家文化研究: 作者： 熊帝兵 来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2010 文献类型： 学位论文 关键词： 农家民生农业史传统文化; 描述： od of Warring States (475-221 B.C.), attracting scholars' attention and becoming one of important schools then. After Qin Dynasty, scholars determining to study agriculture carried forward good traditions of Non自is in the Period of Warring States, enriched researching contents and fields, and enabled Non自is to develop in depth. In finial, those determining to study agriculture formed a group with researching agriculture as its distinguishing feature. What the group researched included agricultural ideologies, techniques of farming and cropping, methods of operation and management, measures of fighting and preventing agricultural calamities. The whole group showed its own styles in valuing agriculture and concerning people's livelihood. And those agricultural ideologies, science and technology, methods and spirits composed Nongjia's culture, the cream of which can afford us lessons to solve today's new problems.; 全文：、民不聊生,农家也相应出现了三个活动高峰。就个体来看,大多数可考的农家都有过艰苦的生活经历,且都具丰厚的儒学背景,环境和个人因素的综合作用激发了农家对民生的高度关注。古代农家在农学著作和相关文集中以文、论

中国农业伦理问题研究: 作者： 方金 来源： 山东农业大学 年份： 2007 文献类型： 学位论文 关键词： 农业政策伦理农业环境与资源伦理农业伦理伦理型农业体系农产品生产与交易伦理; 描述： 农业是国民经济的基础,三农问题一直是党和国家十分重视的重大问题。改革开放以来,我国农村政策有了很大调整,农村经济得到了快速发展,农产品的生产和交易空前繁荣,农业新技术日新月异,农村面貌和农民生活有了很大改善。然而,在这些重大变化的同时,农业领域以及农产品生产与交易过程中也出现了许多问题,比如:生物技; 全文：伦理学的角度探讨农产品生产与交易过程中的伦理问题,并就伦理型农业生产和农产品交易战略的构建进行了研究。最后,对我国更加公正和合乎伦理的农业体系构建提出了初步设想。本文的主要研究内容和结论如下: 1

庄子生态美学思想研究: 作者： 赵凤远 来源： 山东大学 年份： 2007 文献类型： 学位论文 关键词： 重生观庄子天道观齐物观生态美学; 描述： 庄子是先秦时期道家学派的创始人之一,他被雅斯贝尔斯称为"轴心时代"的思想家,而轴心时代产生的思想几乎蕴涵了后世所有文化观念的因子,从而能够长久惠及后世并具有永久的价值。中国古代农耕社会的现实与动荡不安的社会环境促使庄子深入思考了人与自然的关系问题。这些思考呈现出"天人合一"(万物一体)的总体特征,其; 全文：庄子是先秦时期道家学派的创始人之一,他被雅斯贝尔斯称为"轴心时代"的思想家,而轴心时代产生的思想几乎蕴涵了后世所有文化观念的因子,从而能够长久惠及后世并具有永久的价值。中国古代农耕社会的现实与动荡不安的社会环境促使庄子深入思考了人与自然的关系问题。这些思考呈现出"天人合一"(万物一体)的总体特征,其中蕴涵着丰富的古典形态的生态美学智慧。为了准确地揭示庄子的生态美学思想,本论文分以下几个部分: "导论"说明了庄子生态美学思想研究的选题依据、研究方法、研究现状和写作思路。"选题依据"包括现实依据和理论依据,说明进行这项研究是建设当代生态文明和生态美学观的需要。"研究方法"说明本文是在马克思历史唯物主义的统帅下,借助当代存在论哲学为指导,认为只有立足于"存在论"的"此在与世界"的在世方式才能获得人与自然、生态与人文的统一。同时它也是架通中西美学研究的桥梁。"研究现状"既概括综述了庄子生态美学思想研究的前期成果,又指出了本文在前人已经取得的成就的基础上所做的一点努力。"写作思路"主要说明了进行整体性研究的必要性和本文大致的思路。第一章分析了庄子生态美学思想的形成背景。首先,本章分析了庄子生态美学思想的文化背景。神话传说、图腾崇拜、巫术仪式都是在理论形态的"天人合一"观念形成以前就已经存在的文化现象,但是它们都在不同程度上传递了"万物一体"、"天人相通"的观念,传递了万物"共生共荣"的观念,这些观念蕴涵的生态智慧影响了庄子的生活方式和思维习惯。其次,本章分析了庄子生态美学思想形成的理论背景。《易经》作为中国古代文化的源头之一,它所包含的"天人合德"思想蕴涵着丰富的生态智慧。老子是道家的创始人,他的思想、特别是他的"道",蕴涵了丰富的生态智慧。再次,本章分析了庄子生态美学思想形成的现实背景。中原地区长期的开发和利用虽然创造了灿烂的农业文明,但是也破坏了本地区的生态环境,同时也引发了一些有效利用生态资源的思想或智慧。春秋战国时期剧烈变化的时代背景又进一步激发了社会生态方面的危机。这些都为庄子生态审美智慧的产生准备了丰厚的现实条件。第二章分析了庄子"天道观"的生态美学思想。"道为万物之本"的观点说明了"道"是庄子生态美学思想的最根本的概念。庄子继承了老子"道的本根说"和"道法自然说",在此基础上对道的看法又有一些新的发展,提出了"道无所不在"的思想。庄子在老子更多地关注"道的本原性"的基础上进一步关注"道的遍在性",强调"道"的整体作用、并提出"自然化生"的思想。"道无所不在"的思想成为庄子生态美学思想的重要根源之一。"以天为宗"的观点说明了"天"是庄子生态美学思想的另一个最根本的概念。人们一般将其作为道的从属范畴来理解,这有一定的局限性。庄子将"天"提升为一个与道具有同等重要地位的范畴。天的自然性是最突出的特征。"天"代表着自然事物的原生态或天地万物自然而然的本性,但是庄子的"天"在很大程度上又具有神秘性特征,天的自然性和神秘性是浑然融为一体的。庄子所提出的"以天为宗"、"天而不人"、"人与天一"、"无以人灭天"等思想都蕴涵着丰富的生态美学观念。庄子"安时而处顺"的思想也是其"宗天"观念的体现。第三章分析了庄子"齐物观"的生态美学思想。"齐物观"所蕴涵的平等内涵和理想境界是庄子生态美学思想的具体体现。它说明了人与自然万物之间应该保持一种"平等共生"的和谐关系。"齐物观"是"道无所不在"思想的最好说明,丰富了"万物一体"的生态审美观念。庄子的"齐物观"有着深厚的文化基础。本章探讨了诸子有关人与万物关系的思想对庄子的影响,并且从文字源流的角度阐述了"齐"字的初始内涵。庄子站在"道"的立场上看待人类和万物的生存,提出了一系列富有"生态平等"蕴涵的思想观念。"天钧"与"天倪"的思想蕴涵着古典生态环链意识和审美境界观念。"吾丧我"与"物化"的思想蕴涵着对"自我中心"的自觉放弃。"无用之用"的思想蕴涵着一种符合生态的价值观念。"天地与我并生,而万物与我为一"的思想则蕴涵着倡导"平等共生"的生态情怀。"以遂群生"的思想则蕴涵着为了使其他生命能够理想化生存应该对人的活动进行限制的观念。第四章分析了庄子"重生观"的生态美学思想。"重生观"所蕴涵的尊重人与自然万物生命的思想也是庄子生态美学思想的具体体现。本章主要论述了庄子对个体生命的重视。"重生观"更多地体现于如何通过现实的生活实践和人生的修养去实现所追求的境界。这也是一个生态审美实践的话题。庄子"重生观"蕴涵着丰富的生态美学思想。首先,庄子重视"养生"。庄子认识到人与人之间、人与自然之间之所以存在不和谐的现象,是因为人不能站在"道"的立场上看问题。为了达到"重生"的目的,庄子认为必须通过"心斋"、"坐忘"等精神修养的方式,回归自然之道。其次,庄子重视"游世"。现实社会中充满了令人极度压抑和愤懑的现象,生命在那个时代显得脆弱和微不足道,如何从乱世中求得生存,庄子主张游于"人间世"。庄子"游世"思想的背后还包含着"逍遥游"这层意思。"逍遥游"更加侧重于精神境界的超越性。"游世观"体现了一种生存的策略和方式。最后,庄子重视"乐生"。乐生蕴涵着一种生态之乐,它主要体现在对自然生命的关爱与欣赏、对人生死现象的达观以及对于理想生态社会的向往。"乐生"是"重生"的最高理想和现实归宿。第五章分析了庄子生态美学思想的当代价值和意义。这种当代价值和意义主要体现在对当代人追求审美的生存所具有的启示:首先,庄子智慧地预言了生态灾难,对于人们生态危机意识的形成具有警示作用:其次,庄子的"齐物观"有助于人们形成正确的"生态平等"意识和审美境界;第三,庄子的"重生观"有助于人们从事生态实践活动和审美生存;最后,庄子"天道观"促使人们对大自然保持适度的尊重和敬畏,限制和削弱了人们对自然界的妄自尊大的任意征服行为。结束语:庄子生态美学思想对于当代人的审美生存具有一定的现实价值和意义,但是我们不应忘记其还具有相当大的历史局限性。庄子生态美学思想毕竟是农业文明时代的产物,具有很强的经验性和直观性。如果要使其发挥应有的作用,我们应该发掘其积极的一面,使其与当代形态的生态理论相结合,实现一种现代性的转换。

明代太仓库研究: 作者： 苏新红 来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库年例银北边军饷盐法户部明代财政; 描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku，旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before; 全文：库制度、地位做横向断面的详细剖析。万历中后期户部尚书赵世卿所作《司农奏议》、崇祯初户部尚书毕自严的《度支奏议》、《石隐园藏稿》及崇祯末年户部尚书倪元璐的《倪文贞集》等,皆收录作者关于太仓库的许多疏牍

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