民间舞龙习俗中的民俗主体与乡土文化

作者： 马志华   来源： 西北民族大学 年份： 2005 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 舞龙习俗   土城子镇   乡土文化   龙灯艺术   民俗主体  

描述： 中国对龙的崇拜由来已久,表现形式也千姿百态,其中之一就是龙舞。龙舞是中国的传统民间舞蹈,流传在广泛的地域和不同族域的民众中。内蒙古克什克腾旗土城子镇的龙舞特色鲜明,舞龙人以回族为多数。舞龙前,具有

全文：中国对龙的崇拜由来已久,表现形式也千姿百态,其中之一就是龙舞。龙舞是中国的传统民间舞蹈,流传在广泛的地域和不同族域的民众中。内蒙古克什克腾旗土城子镇的龙舞特色鲜明,舞龙人以回族为多数。舞龙前,具有

宁夏银南灌区采用控制排水减少农业氮流失的研究

作者： 王南江   来源： 西安理工大学 年份： 2005 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： volume   controlled   the   Ning   Xia   irrigating   of   Agricultural   drainage   Nan   region   Yin  

描述： 本论文在查阅了大量国外有关农田控制排水减少地表氮污染研究成果的基础上,设计实验方案,在宁夏银南灌区永宁县望远镇西位二队建立大田实验场地,主要观测项目有:地下水位的变化、排水沟排水量的变化、地下水中硝

全文：本论文在查阅了大量国外有关农田控制排水减少地表氮污染研究成果的基础上,设计实验方案,在宁夏银南灌区永宁县望远镇西位二队建立大田实验场地,主要观测项目有:地下水位的变化、排水沟排水量的变化、地下水中硝

陕西党家村民俗家具传承研究

作者： 孙光瑞   来源： 北京林业大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 民俗家具   传承   情感化设计   陕西党家村   新中式家具  

描述： 位于陕西省关中地区韩城市西庄镇的党家村,是陕西省乃至全国范围内保存最完整、尚有居民居住的古村落,其中留存的民俗家具数量和质量堪称陕西之最。 本论文深入分析陕西党家村民俗家具的特征,并对影响其形成

全文：位于陕西省关中地区韩城市西庄镇的党家村,是陕西省乃至全国范围内保存最完整、尚有居民居住的古村落,其中留存的民俗家具数量和质量堪称陕西之最。 本论文深入分析陕西党家村民俗家具的特征,并对影响其形成

西辽河上游地区新石器时代至早期青铜时代植物遗存研究

作者： 孙永刚   来源： 内蒙古师范大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 早期青铜时代   西辽河上游   植物遗存   生业方式   新石器时代  

描述： 本文的研究目的主要是探讨西辽河上游地区的生态环境变化与北方旱作农业的起源和发展，以及不同考古学文化时期人类活动、植物遗存与生业方式的关系。本文涉及的年代范围是距今10000-3500年间，约相当于地学界的全新世初期至大暖期结束时期，或考古学界的新石器时代至早期青铜时代。 自二十世纪六十年代以来，随着

全文：西辽河上游地区新石器时代至早期青铜时代古文化遗址（兴隆沟、魏家窝铺、哈民忙哈、三座店和二道井子遗址等）发掘过程中，采用浮选法，发现了大量的炭化植物遗存。通过对典型遗址出土的炭化植物遗存进行分类、种属鉴定

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：为紧急军情、地方灾荒提供财政支持和救济的能力。至崇祯末年,户部将太仓库财政收入的征收和管理权力全部下放给地方政府和各军镇,太仓库成为一个虚设的空壳。 太仓库的岁入类项是逐步由少到多发展起来的。除内库

新农村景观规划设计研究

作者： 刘萍   来源： 河北农业大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 体系   规划设计   新农村   景观  

描述： 农村景观是人类文化与自然环境高度融合的景观综合体，具有生态、经济、文化、美学四大价值属性；相对于城市，农村受人类干扰强度较低、土地利用粗放、人口密度较小，以面积较大的农业景观和田园化的生活方式为最大特征。随着我国城市化和当前社会主义新农村建设的快速推进，农村居民居住观念的改变带来了农村日新月异的变化

全文：的新农村景观环境网络体系，并且建立了农村绿地系统动态指标体系，以期能从宏观上控制农村空间形态的布局和发展，对村与村之间，镇与镇之间起到绿色生态绿廊的连通作用，形成良好的生态环境，并且能对城市生态环境

唐代前期河西州县城城防研究

作者： 张向红   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 河西州县城   唐代前期   城防  

描述： ch as the important town of the Silk Road, multi-ethnic coexistence and the border district administrative center. In order to ensure normal exchange between the East and the West, frequent contact among ethnicities, and effective administration in He-xi area, it was extremely essential to establish city defense. Therefore, the Tang government built the city defense system that was mainly military defense and based on social balance. Mainly included the screen protective system of Army, Shouzhuo, City, Town, Shu, etc., which had some focal point and very wide and located out of the cities; Three layers external protective system that was composed of a deep ditch to round every city, sheep and horses cities, city wall; Multiple structure system such Luo city(outer city), Zi city(inner city), fang(residential area), Shi(markets), and so on; Garrison inside cities and out of locality system; Feng, Yi and other information systems; General's office person of ability system; Warehouse reserve and social balance system. Because of the important geographical position strategic and the special social security problem, the He-xi Prefecture and county city defense had formed Trinity characteristic with the national defense and the security defense. The city defense soldiers had a hand in Tuntian to bring about He-xi area’s agricultural advance; A large number of people of city defense formed the consumer market, had promoted the prosperity of the commerce; The city defense ensured traffic and military assistance, made He-xi Prefecture and county cities become the rear base to administer Central Asia. However, the city defense had its limitation, such as impotent military might at times (it offered an opportunity of Tibetan expanded in north-west area), because of the condition between the country and the locality. It, to a certain extent, had influenced on the valid function of city defense.

全文：政府构建了以军防为主、社会平衡为基础的城防体系,主要包括城外军、守捉、城、镇、戍等广阔而有重点的屏卫体系;隍堑、羊马城、城墙三重外卫体系;罗城(外城)、子城(内城)、坊(居民区)、市(市场)等多重

参与式视角下乡村文化动员研究

作者： 涂羿南   来源： 中国农业科学院 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 价值理念   文化动员   参与式理念   乡村文化  

描述： 近年来，随着市场经济的不断深入发展，乡村居民的日常生活发生了巨大变化。一方面，农村的经济水平显著提升，但另一方面，由于城乡二元结构建设，经济上的相对落后让乡村居民逐步失去其对乡村文化及自身的认同感，在归属感缺失和核心价值观衰退的情况下，引发了各种社会问题凸显，如农民的信仰体系紊乱和价值观失落，如乡村

全文：和控制、能力建设和自组自立、利益分享等方面有所体现。基于此，本研究借助参与式发展理念，以新农村建设为背景，着眼于“大文化”的核心价值理念建设，在现有社会环境及乡村文化资源基础之上，以陕西省洛川县槐柏镇为例

吴觉农与中国茶叶

作者： 杨妮   来源： 宁波大学 年份： 2008 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 华茶生产   吴觉农   茶学思想   华茶贸易  

描述： ina tea industry, but also was the outstanding patriotic democratic person and social activist. He made important contribution about China tea industry and was known as Contemporary Tea Sage in China.

全文：吴觉农(1897——1989),浙江省上虞县丰惠镇人,他不仅是我国著名的农业学家、茶业专家,而且还是一位杰出的爱国民主人士、社会活动家,对中国茶业做出了重要贡献,被誉为当代中国的“茶圣”。 本论

青海海西州汉族移民文化变迁及民族关系研究

作者： 刘瑶瑶   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 海西汉族移民   文化变迁   民族关系  

描述： mic development. The fourth chapter discusses the change of marriage culture from aspects of ethnic intermarriage, uxorilocal marriage and village marriage. The fifth chapter mainly investigates and analyzes present situation and characters of Han immigrants' religion belief on Tibetan Buddhism, discusses fusion between Han's folk custom and Tibetan Buddhism. The sixth chapter detailed describes the process of funeral ritual, and illustrates characters and function of funeral ritual. The seventh chapter chooses six variables, namely inhabitation pattern, individual communication, language use, religion belief, national consciousness and social distance, to comprehensively considerate ethnic relation, furthermore concludes the characters of ethnic relation and puts forword several suggestions. The eighth chapter is concluding remarks to this topic, which discusses characters and trends of Han immigrants' cultural change, and concludes characters，influencing factors and tendency of ethnic relations in Haixi immigrant region. Haixi Autonomous Prefecture of Qinghai province lies at northern Qinghai-Tibet Plateau. Most areas are alpine and hypoxia, and natural condition is very bad, which is unfit for agriculture production, so it has been the habitation of nomadic minority groups. As the border area, the past dynasties continuously recruited and migrated Han immigrants to Haixi region to open up waste land and garrison the frontier in order to maintain national stability and secure territorial integrity. For thousands years, in order to improve living environment, develop economy and build multiple cultural

全文：镇四个移民村为考察对象,通过调查村落中汉族移民文化变迁的典型性来展现海西州汉族移民文化变迁的历程,并以村落中汉族与其他少数民族之间民族关系现状来反映海西移民地区民族关系的整体状况。 全文由八章构成