新疆木垒县乌孜别克族游牧社会文化变迁研究

作者： 解志伟   来源： 中央民族大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 乌孜别克族   文化   变迁   游牧社会   转场  

描述： jiang, whose formation and development is closely linked with nomadism: the source of the Uzbek nationality is made up of many ancient nomads of the Eurasian; the way of nomadic life lasts in the Uzbek nationality } and today's Uzbeks in Danangou Township of Mori County in Xinjiang are still engaged in nomadism and it is their traditional livelihood. They have created and are creating a rich

全文：的发展与保护的问题。关于变迁,本文认为乌孜别克族游牧社会变迁所呈现的结果是文化的碎片化;关于文化,本文认为木垒乌孜别克族游牧文化具有原生性、濒危性、真实性和地域性等特点;关于文化传统的发展与保护,笔者

日常生活变迁中的教育

作者： 顾月琴   来源： 华东师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 识字   职业教育   社会变迁   杂字   明清   教材  

描述： ty and

全文：,分析了杂字与传统识字教材“三百千”的异同。民国期间新式学堂普遍建立但杂字依然为百姓所接受,建国初期及改革开放后,为配合农村扫盲教育,全国编写了各类杂字教材来提高农民的文化水平,这些都体现出杂字对后世

宁南旱区应变型种植制度的机理与技术体系构建

作者： 王龙昌   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2001 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 机理   应变型种植制度   决策系统   技术体系－   干早   旱区农业  

描述： 旱地农业在我国和世界农业生产中都占据十分重要的地位，随着人口增长，人类面临的食 物短缺、水资源危机及环境恶化的形势更加严峻，旱地农业发展受到广大旱区国家高度重视， 并在早区农作制度研究方面取得许多重大进展。 宁南旱区地处黄土高原西北端，属黄河中游黄土丘陵沟壑区，旱作农田占总耕地面积的 90％。该区气

全文：，并对生岿农业建设的典型楔式于以创伍，拇出了生恋农业＠役的方吃和对策猪伯．第 九章对研叹主翼妨相进行概括总臼，并以有关间回进行讨枪． 研究所耿得的主耍成果有以下几点：可 （！）在分析宁肉旱区降水时空

先秦诸子经济思想的生态阐释

作者： 赵麦茹   来源： 西北大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 启迪   生态阐释   先秦诸子   经济思想  

描述： 全球性的生态危机使人类对于环境问题和生态问题的关注空前加强，为了寻找解决这一问题的途径与方法，人类对于传统经济增长方式、西方自然观、逻辑思维与认知世界的行为等方面的范式进行了深刻的反思，环境伦理学、生态经济学等学科应运而生。伴随着这一过程的还有当代学者(特别是西方学者)对于中国传统文化中所包含的生态

全文：、生态经济学等学科应运而生。伴随着这一过程的还有当代学者(特别是西方学者)对于中国传统文化中所包含的生态伦理及思维方式的热捧、肯定与借鉴。其中，先秦时期以儒道为代表的各家学派所蕴涵的生态伦理思想尤其受到

文化认同与文化控制：秦汉民间信仰研究

作者： 李秋香   来源： 河南大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 文化控制   文化认同   功能变迁   秦汉   民间信仰  

描述： le's understanding and regarding for the universe and the life at that time.

全文：圈的扩大,西王母成为大家共同的信仰对象,成为正式宗教在中原诞生或普及之前对民众影响最大的一位民间信仰神灵,或者说西王母被异于自身的文化所接受和改造。此为民间信仰的异地文化认同功能。 秦汉民间信仰的文化

石羊河流域作物气候生产潜力及灌溉对策的研究

作者： 孙世坤   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： GIS   气候生产潜力   灌溉需水量   对策   CROPWAT  

描述： be given when fully and rational use of local climatic resources such as solar radiation, heat and water, while other conditions (such as soil fertility, carbon dioxide concentration, cultivation level etc.)

全文：ArcGIS和Arcview软件分析石羊河流域春小麦、玉米作物蒸发蒸腾量、有效降水量和灌溉需水量的空间分布,为流域春小麦、玉米灌溉提供参考依据,提高流域作物现实产量。 本文得到以下主要结论: (1)石羊河流

传统儒家家庭伦理及其对我国现代家庭伦理建设的启示

作者： 裴夕   来源： 西南财经大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 现代家庭伦理   启示   儒家家庭伦理   建设  

描述： and trends, these new situation on the traditional family ethics raised new challenges in the traditional Confucian family ethics formed a huge impact.

全文：相关文献进行综述,明确了论文的研究思路和研究方法,并对文章的结构安排与主要观点进行了说明。 第二章界定了“家庭伦理”的基本范畴。家庭是社会的基本单位,家庭伦理是社会伦理的基础。所谓家庭是指由婚姻、血缘所

中国北方现代人扩散与农业起源的环境考古学观察

作者： 吉笃学   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 文化对环境的响应   BP事件   新旧石器过渡   中晚期过渡   现代人起源   农业起源   新石器   末次盛冰期   7.2   6.4kyr  

描述： 环境考古学是通过环境和文化之间关系的研究来揭示人类如何适应环境变化，如何调整自己的状态以缓解各种压力，从而实现规避风险保全自己的目的，为人类未来的生存和发展提供有益的借鉴。 人类对环境变化的反应一般采取两种策略：一是响应；二是适应。目前，现代人扩散和农业起源是了解和认识人类适应策略的最理想的案例。为

全文：的环境反应模式。结果发现： 1．在22kyr BP和21kyr BP左右的末次盛冰期，宁夏彭阳和甘肃秦安相继出现了与现代人有关的细石器制品，说明现代人已扩散到陇西黄土高原的腹地。 2．ZL005地点的黄土

1933-1945年甘肃经济建设研究

作者： 裴庚辛   来源： 华中师范大学 年份： 2008 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 1933—1945   甘肃商业   甘肃工业   甘肃金融业   甘肃农业  

描述： 近代甘肃经济落后,农业生产仍是传统的耕作方式,产量低下;工业则没有几家近代工厂,主要是手工业工场或家庭手工业作坊,新式工业尚处于起步阶段。再加上灾荒频发,烟毒横行,地方当局借禁种之名行罚款之实。甘肃人民生活困苦不堪。与落后的经济水平相对应,近代甘肃的金融机构主要有票号、钱庄(银号)、当铺等几种形式,

全文：的形式存在。就甘肃来说,官办银行常沦落为政府的钱柜,省政府经常向银行透支,连银行的正常营业也常受政府的影响,这为时人所诟病。从银行自身的角度而言,作为一种企业,银行与其它企业一样,在近代社会相同

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：。其他明人奏疏、笔记及清代史料中也有相对分散的关于明代太仓库的记载,皆尽量收集参考。 本文研究表明,明初成立的内库,是一个以负责国家公共事务为主、负责皇室收支为辅的机构。其后,内库所担当的国家