论生产实践对生活方式的规约性影响

作者： 李奴英   来源： 山西大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 规约性   生活方式   影响   生产实践  

描述： ed. While the life style is the reality show of productive forces and productive relations ,which is considered as "life is how "and "how to live" .This article studies the influence of production practice to life style,

全文：人类社会的发展就是一部生产力不断发展和人类生活水平不断提高的历史,而作为回答人们“怎样生活”和“生活怎样”的生活方式,则是生产力与生产关系的现实表现。本文在历史唯物主义关于生产力和生产关系基本原理的框架中,研究了生产实践对生活方式的影响,进而最后指出了生活方式的提升途径。 本文共分三大章。第一章,“生活方式是生产力与生产关系的现实表现”。历史唯物主义基本原理认为,生产方式决定生活方式,生活方式影响生产方式,生产力和生产关系构成了生产方式。基于这一理论,本章第一节分析了生产力和生产关系,得出了作为生产力发展主要形式的生产实践决定着人类的生存和发展:同时,又由于作为人存在形式的生活方式必定建立在生产发展的基础上,反映着生产力的发展水平,也同样表现着人们在生产过程中所结成的生产关系状况,这也正是第二节所论证的内容。 第二章,“生产实践是生活方式变化的基础”。我们认为,生活方式的核心要素包括生活主体、生活资料和生活时间、空间。其中,生活主体在生活方式体系中居于核心地位,一定阶段的生活资料及其利用形式构成了一定阶段生活方式的主要内容,生活时间和生活空间构成以及对生活时间和生活空间的利用形式反映了人类生活方式的变化情况。鉴于这些构成要素在生活方式中发挥着不同的作用,本文分三个部分来论证生产实践对这些核心要素的影响,正是由于生产实践对这些核心要素的规约作用,才使生活方式最终发生变化。 第三章,“全面发展生产实践是健康生活方式的保障”。基于生产实践决定生活方式、生产活动是人类生活活动得以进行的保证作用,这部分论证了构建健康生活方式的保障条件。其中,加快科技的发展是生产实践发展的物质基础,也是构建生活方式最关键的部分。但是,作为人的存在形式的生活方式以及在生活中处理人与人、人与物的关系都必须在合理制度的保障下才能有效进行,因此,合理的制度建设是生活方式途径提升的制度保障;生产实践和生活方式的主体是人,生活方式是人在一定的价值指引下,在生产实践活动提供的客观基础上所做出的能动选择,这就要求用先进的文化重塑人,以便更好地指导人们选择与其精神文化需求相符合的健康的生活方式。

展示与销售 ——民国前期美术展览的文化性与市场性研究（1912-1937）

作者： 郭淑敏   来源： 中央美术学院 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 文化   市场   销售   美术展览   展示  

描述： 美术展览自近代由西方引入国内后,逐渐成为美术作品向公众展示的主流形式。它的基本操作方式是,在美术作品公开展示的同时,兼有画作的市场销售。这样,不仅促进近现代美术的交流传播,也成为促进美术作品市场流通的重要途径。美术展览的“展示”与“销售”兼举的操作方式,决定其“文化性”与“市场性”的双重属性。它在中

全文：的重要途径。美术展览的“展示”与“销售”兼举的操作方式,决定其“文化性”与“市场性”的双重属性。它在中国近现代美术转型过程中,扮演着独特的角色,发挥了重要的作用。 本文以民国时期(1912-1937

环县城乡协调发展研究

作者： 刘超华   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 城乡协调   协调发展途径   城乡差距   环县  

描述： 城市和乡村是两大各具鲜明特色的社会系统,城市是现代工业社会的代表,而农村代表着传统的农业社会。城乡关系的演变是一个动态的人类社会发展过程,协调的、良性互动的城乡关系既是区域可持续发展的基础,又是推动经济社发展的动力环。本文对环县城乡协调发展进行了系统的分析,整体而言,环县城乡联系不足,城镇的核心作用

全文：。(1)对当前时代背景下研究城乡协调发展的目的、重大意义作了阐述,在对相关研究动态加以评述的基础上,提出了论文的研究思路和方法。(2)阐述了城乡协调发展的概念和内涵,并对城乡协调发展的相关理论基础进行系统

性别语境中的土族民间叙事研究

作者： 白晓霞   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 性别语境   民间叙事   土族  

描述： lk narratives in the gender context is performed. The term "gender context" refers to a cultural context that is closely linked with the "social gender".

全文：了如下的文化动向： 1、民间叙事中女性现代性意识的集体萌生与个体的初步突围。 八十年代，随着社会环境和文化语境的整体改变，在社会角色的扮演、家庭文化的传承方面，土族女性的自我意识开始了前所未有的现代性觉醒

清代河西走廊土地利用及其环境效应

作者： 张钰   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 河西走廊   土地利用/土地覆被的变化   环境效应   历史地理  

描述： f the earth's surface.Therefore,it has great benefit for clarifying the mutual action between human beings and land and their change principles in the historical period when the land use and the land cover changes are chosen as the study perspective.

全文：四个部分: 第一部分通过介绍河西地区的自然地理特征和社会经济特征,明确了河西走廊的区域属性,阐明土地利用开发的自然基础和人文环境。 第二部分从宏观层面分析了清代河西走廊土地垦殖数量的动态变化

田园的心声——庆阳彭粉女剪纸艺术研究

作者： 马万军   来源： 西北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 剪纸艺术   田园生活   样式   彭氏   风格  

描述： At the same time, people’s life are glutted with living style of western modern culture and western modern thoughts, which make people feel themselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit. Worry, dullness, despair and fear bow the heart and turn the spirit back to the dust.

全文：构架和谐的社会,和谐的自我。 本论文以关注中国传统民间文化为着眼点,以庆阳剪纸大师彭粉女和她的剪纸艺术为出发点,从艺术人类学和文化生态学的角度,全方位立体、动态的论述了彭粉女及她的剪纸艺术。通过自然环境

传统儒家家庭伦理及其对我国现代家庭伦理建设的启示

作者： 裴夕   来源： 西南财经大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 现代家庭伦理   启示   儒家家庭伦理   建设  

描述： and trends, these new situation on the traditional family ethics raised new challenges in the traditional Confucian family ethics formed a huge impact.

全文：好夫妻关系、代际关系、兄弟(姐妹)关系以及邻里关系,建立和谐、美好、幸福的家庭已成为学术界需要解决的紧要问题。本文从动态的视角,在考察传统儒家家庭伦理兴盛、式微的历史背景的基础上,分析当代家庭伦理问题产生

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：本文以明代太仓库为研究对象,从基本财政体制及国家与社会互动的角度,用动态的眼光对其进行考察。其基本目标是展现太仓库作为明代中央财政核心库藏机构的制度设置、管理、变更历程,考察太仓库收支项目、数量

陕北地区特色农业发展战略研究

作者： 卢小雅   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 战略研究   特色农业发展   陕北地区   农业可持续发展  

描述： as well as improving market competitive power to highlight the regional characteristic and allocate production factors according to the entire resources superiority and characteristic as well as market demand by advanced technology so as to establish the non-balanced and distinctive agricultural production system characterized by moderate scale, favorable benefit and strong market competitive power.

全文：分析,以系统的观点、动态的角度考察了陕北农业可持续发展变化的原因及规律,并对今后长期变化趋势进行了预测。论述了陕北特色农业可持续发展应遵循的基本原则,借鉴国内外农业可持续发展的经验,构建了陕北特色农业

甘肃省景泰县农业生态经济系统能值分析

作者： 林长伟   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 景泰县   可持续发展   能值分析   农业生态经济系统  

描述： le to measure and compare all kinds of energy.

全文：亟待解决的问题。 本文以甘肃省景泰县为例,应用能值理论从静态(2007年)和动态(1991-2007年)两方面对景泰县农业系统各种生态流投入、产出进行了详细的分析,并对反映系统结构功能的净能值产出率