中国古代植物染料研究

作者： 谭光万   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 商品化   中国古代   植物染色技术   染色文化   植物染料   染料作物  

描述： Before the synthetic dye has been invented, all of the world were used the natural dye, especially the vegetable dye for dyeing.

全文：探讨,并将合成染料传入我国的最早时间精确至1897年。化学染料的污染和对人体的毒害,让人们重新开始关注天然植物染料,植物染料的复兴虽然面临着技术上的难题,但使其重放光彩,并不遥远。

甘肃农业现代化进程测度及特色农业发展路径选择研究

作者： 吕文广   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 进程测度   路径选择   特色农业   现代化  

描述： to realize the national economy modernization comprehensively. Since the reform and open policy has

全文：农业现代化是我国农业发展的目标和基本方向,也是我国全面实现国民经济现代化的关键与难点。改革开放30年来,我国农业发展取得了举世瞩目的成就,农业综合生产能力和整体素质都有了很大的提高,农产品供给由长期

《水经注》研究

作者： 徐中原   来源： 苏州大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 叙事散文   水经   郦道元   水经注   山水散文  

描述： rinciples of the theory" and "holistic principle", as the main study followed the principles and methods, strive to occupy a wealth of research datas, focus on first-hand information from the start, mainly from a literary perspective, but give due consideration to the geographical composition, attempts to have a more thorough and systematic study and discussion.

全文：以上,北魏时郦氏宗族已具有很高的儒学与文学修养。郦道元,范阳郡涿县(今河北涿县)郦亭人。太和十七年(494)已踏上仕途,卒于孝昌三年(527)。郦道元为官二十年余,曾遭到两次免官,共达十三年之久。道元

清末民初关中地区的农田水利纠纷及其解决途径

作者： 赵淑清   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 清末民初   解决途径   关中地区   农田水利纠纷   特征  

描述： society. The central Shaanxi Province lies in the northwest inner-land, lacking in water resources. Although there have been major farmland irrigation projects and perfect management system in the Qin and Han Dynasty, the times of the Sui and Tang Dynasty, the situation of water depletion could not be changed radically.

全文：,总结出了纠纷发生的直接原因与当时的年降水量、农作物的种类、农田水利灌溉工程的分布等有直接的关系;深层原因与当时政府的政策、过渡时期的用水制度以及传统的、不科学的耕作技术和灌溉技术有关。第四部

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：。万历末年开始的加派新饷从制度上再次提升了太仓库的财政地位,然而太仓库岁入逋欠问题的日益严重使得新、旧饷的征收面临极大问题,因此其实际财政地位不升反降。天启、崇祯时期,太仓库逐步失去对边镇常规年例银以及

新疆木垒县乌孜别克族游牧社会文化变迁研究

作者： 解志伟   来源： 中央民族大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 乌孜别克族   文化   变迁   游牧社会   转场  

描述： jiang, whose formation and development is closely linked with nomadism: the source of the Uzbek nationality is made up of many ancient nomads of the Eurasian; the way of nomadic life lasts in the Uzbek nationality } and today's Uzbeks in Danangou Township of Mori County in Xinjiang are still engaged in nomadism and it is their traditional livelihood. They have created and are creating a rich

全文：已经席卷全球,乌孜别克族社会也面临着现代化问题。国家和地方政府推行的定居工程改善了乌孜别克族的经济生活条件,但这也改变了他们几百年来的游牧生计传统,他们的游牧传统文化随着定居而渐行渐远,乌孜别克族传统

区域农业观光旅游资源开发潜力评价体系理论构建与实践

作者： 杨晓美   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 发展潜力   多层次灰色评价   秦岭北麓   区域农业旅游资源  

描述： opment of agricultural tourism and to obtain economic, social and environmental benefits of the measure of potential, but also for the effective protection and rational exploitation of its resources of great significance.

全文：区域农业旅游资源开发潜力评价,是对旅游地是否具备发展农业旅游业的条件并获取经济、社会和环境效益潜能的衡量,也对有效地保护和合理开发利用其资源具有重要意义。 20世纪70年代以来,国内外学者从旅游资源

渭河平原县域农田土壤养分肥力空间特征研究

作者： 李志鹏   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 土壤养分   空间变异性   地统计学   养分肥力   时空变化  

描述： 渭河平原地势平坦，气候温和，土壤肥力水平主要受土壤养分含量的影响。本研究选取渭河平原腹地，素有“白菜心”之称的兴平市作为研究区，基于GIS技术支持平台，综合运用传统统计学、数理统计、地统计学等方法，结合“3414”田间肥效试验结果和1980s第二次土壤普查的珍贵历史数据集，研究兴平市农田土壤有机质、

全文：生态环境建设、精准农业的发展，测土配方项目的推进提供科学依据和理论指导。本研究的主要结果： （1）目前，兴平市农田土壤养分含量表现为：13项农田土壤养分属性指标的变异系数介于23.56%~74.87

从劝农文看宋朝乡村社会问题

作者： 于芹   来源： 西南大学 年份： 2012 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 劝农文   宋朝乡村   社会问题  

描述： 近年来伴随研究视角的转变,越来越多的学者在“自下而上”的历史观指导下,越来越多的关注历史和现实中的农村、农业和农民等“三农”问题。宋朝是中国古代社会的重要转型期,这一时期的商品经济得到了空前发展,特别是城市商品经济的发展,对乡村社会中的人、财、物产生了抽离作用,进而影响到了乡村社会经济的发展以及乡村

全文：和流转,伴随土地频繁流转而来的是贫富分化的加剧以及乡村社会中阶层的频繁变动。“千年田换八百主”,财产的不稳定性,加重了宋人的不安全感,而当古人们举目无助的时候往往会求之于未知的超自然力量,因此致使宋朝巫术

中国古代农家文化研究

作者： 熊帝兵   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农家   民生   农业史   传统文化  

描述： od of Warring States (475-221 B.C.), attracting scholars' attention and becoming one of important schools then. After Qin Dynasty, scholars determining to study agriculture carried forward good traditions of Non自is in the Period of Warring States, enriched researching contents and fields, and enabled Non自is to develop in depth. In finial, those determining to study agriculture formed a group with researching agriculture as its distinguishing feature. What the group researched included agricultural ideologies, techniques of farming and cropping, methods of operation and management, measures of fighting and preventing agricultural calamities. The whole group showed its own styles in valuing agriculture and concerning people's livelihood. And those agricultural ideologies, science and technology, methods and spirits composed Nongjia's culture, the cream of which can afford us lessons to solve today's new problems.

全文：、储备节用,积极发掘备荒食物以减少灾年饿殍遍野之患。 古代农家在农业研究中始终秉承着民生关怀的传统和精神。竺可桢先生指出5000年历史中曾经历过四个寒冷期。其中后三个寒冷期,灾害频发、社会危机严重