中国古代害虫观念与防治技术研究

作者： 龚光明   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 观念   防治技术   农作物害虫   中国古代  

描述： 中国古代以农立国,农业丰歉直接关乎社会稳定、人类幸福。因此,农业害虫一直受到关注,人们不断探索、总结其规律及应对措施。在生产实践中,害虫观念、防治技术在继承的基础上不断发展与更新。不同时期害虫观念的变化对防治政策的制定及防治技术的实施产生深远影响。 古代农业害虫以蝗、螟、好蚄及未知名害虫为主,次数依

全文：中国古代以农立国,农业丰歉直接关乎社会稳定、人类幸福。因此,农业害虫一直受到关注,人们不断探索、总结其规律及应对措施。在生产实践中,害虫观念、防治技术在继承的基础上不断发展与更新。不同时期害虫观念

略论中国古代生物多样性观念及其在灾害防治中的应用

作者： 龚光明   严火其   来源： 农业考古 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： biodiversity   preventing   idea   Use   disasters   China   ancient  

描述： There was the idea of biodiversity in ancient China,so-called" differences make things come into being,grow things,the same can't go on growing.".In the practice,the people had already realized the diversity of climate,soil and agricultural plants,etc..and used it in real production and life.Especia...

中国古代粮食安全问题研究

作者： 吴宾   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 古代粮食安全   粮食流通、粮食仓储   农业生产   粮食政策  

描述： 粮食安全关系国家安全和社会稳定,不仅是政治问题,也是经济问题。在传统农业社会中,历朝历代无不把粮食问题摆在治国安邦的重要位置,有“洪范八政,食为政首”之称,并在全社会形成了重农重储的观念和风尚。封建王朝从意识形态、农业生产、粮食仓储、流通、政策等领域加强粮食的供应和保障,积累和形成了相当丰富的有关粮

全文：粮食安全关系国家安全和社会稳定,不仅是政治问题,也是经济问题。在传统农业社会中,历朝历代无不把粮食问题摆在治国安邦的重要位置,有“洪范八政,食为政首”之称,并在全社会形成了重农重储的观念和风

先周北豳战争与农耕文化

作者： 王丽娟   来源： 陇东学院学报 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 北豳周祖   深远影响   耕战模式  

描述： 周祖不窋、鞠陶、公刘徙居北豳后,继承后稷之业,拓荒垦田,并把当地戎狄游牧文化与农业生产相结合,形成了北豳农耕文化。在其影响下,周祖以融合、防御为主的战争方式解决与戎狄部族的关系。北豳周祖创业之初,采取的这种耕战并存模式对周祖后代的立国思想、战争观念都产生了深远影响。

中国古代文论中的地理环境论——中国古代文艺生态学思想研究之一

作者： 范军   来源： 华中师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版) 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 《二十四诗品》   变量关系   中国古代文论   文艺生态学   艺术风格   地域文化   辞情   江山之助   环境论   南宋词  

描述： 思想作些梳理、描述和探讨。一、地理环境对民族性格的影响文化,作为观念形态的东西,是一定社会生活的反映,有其人文乃至自然的背景。人们所赖以生存和发展的自然环境的千差万别,社会生活的多姿多彩,滋养和培育了各具特色的民族文化及地域文化,展示出各不相同的艺术风神。不同的自然环境,会逐渐

元代地震灾害及赈灾体系述评

作者： 李彦鑫   来源： 吉林大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 缺陷   赈灾体系   元代   原因   地震灾害   赈灾权限  

描述： 元代(1271-1368)统治中国近百年,各种自然灾害的发生却不止百次,几乎年年有灾,年年多灾。地震是其中比较典型的自然灾害之一,虽然此时人们已经认识到地震有其自身原因,但具体原因是什么,并不是很清楚。因此当地震突然频繁发生的时候,元代从上至下,以往朝代积累起来的对地震灾害的认识逐渐被取代,开始动摇

全文：清楚。因此当地震突然频繁发生的时候,元代从上至下,以往朝代积累起来的对地震灾害的认识逐渐被取代,开始动摇了已有的对地震的认识,又回到了地震乃是人们行为不当,阴阳失和所致的观念上。 元代地震频繁,其灾害

新疆生产建设兵团屯垦与戌边关系研究

作者： 李丽   来源： 石河子大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 戍边   关系   兵团   屯垦  

描述： a crucial componen t of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous region that is under the command of the autonomous region's party committee. Its major task is to develop the local economy and to partially perform administrative and legal functions towards the corps reclamation area. It is a special political, eC01101111C, militaristic and social organization with a long history. It is also undertakes the important task of implementing strategies for production and for territorial border control. Such implementation influences both regional and national economic substantiality and social stability. This article attempts to analyze the relationship between production and border control while exploring the possible solutions for existing problems within the region, based on a historical perspective. There are three chapters in this article. The first chapter introduces the history of agricultural development and border trooping, based on the practical experiences of Han, Tang, and Qing Dynasty. The second chapter analyzes the dichotomy of agricultural production and border trooping. Border trooping needs daily rationing from agricultural production. Meanwhile, agricultural production is conditioned by border trooping. Border control is the goal ensured by agricultural productivity. However, the status of each element differs in different eras. They are the two inseparable elements. In the third chapter, the author discourses the means of adjusting border control and production according to the latest domestic and international situations. Since the socialist economic system is perfecting itself, Chinese mentality is experiencing significant changes. At the same time, the international situation changes tremendously which makes the strategic status of the region become more and more important. The production and border control mission is facing new challenges because of ethnic separatists, terrorists, and religious extremists. The article is going to provide some constructive suggestions, based on the mentioned factors. Under historically new conditions, Bingtuan, as an important part of Xinjiang, as well as a politics-military-united organization, is carrying out new tasks. To accomplish such tasks, one needs to comprehend the relationship between agricultural production and border control correctly, that is to continue both elements' growth in a firm manner. Now, the corps development is at the door step of a new historic entrance. Therefore, Bingtuan needs to increase the speed of growth of its economic society in order to perform a better contribution to the country.

全文：的；第三章论述新形势下如何处理屯垦与戍边的关系,认为在新形势下,社会主义市场经济体制不断完善,人们思想观念思维方式发生了深刻变革,新疆周边国际环境显著变化,新疆战略地位大幅度提升,国内外“三股势力”猖獗

先秦时期酒文化探析

作者： 孙婷婷   来源： 哈尔滨师范大学 年份： 2012 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 先秦   酒器   酒礼   酒文化  

描述： 先秦时期是华夏文明形成的最初阶段，一般来说后世很多的文明成果都是在先秦文化的基础上发展起来的。例如对我们当今社会生活产生重要影响的酒文化，是我国文化成果中的一部分，在先秦时期就已经形成并逐渐发展。综合考古发现和史籍上对于酒及酒文化的记载，在新石器时期晚期就已经发明了酒，只是这时的酿酒技术还比较落后，

全文：的酒文化做出比较客观的认识和分析。 先秦时期距现在年代久远，必须在借鉴前人研究成果的基础上，对中国先秦时期酒文化进行研究，希望通过个人的努力对先秦时期酒文化的研究能对现代人饮酒观念起到借鉴作用。

基于文化生态学的庆阳农耕文化与区域环境关系研究

作者： 苗红   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 庆阳   文化剖面   响应   农耕文化   环境影响  

描述： 文化是人地相互作用的产物和综合表现。研究文化与自然及人文环境的响应，探索文化在人类与环境相互作用下的形成过程是了解人地关系的重要途径。庆阳农耕文化具有悠久性、多元性和连续性，是研究文化与环境响应的典型“剖面”。因此，本文选取庆阳农耕文化为研究对象，从文化生态学(Cultural Ecology)的视

全文：农业及农耕文化产生、形成和发展的影响，即本文的第三章：1)特殊的黄土结构、地理景观的边缘效应、围合与尺度效应以及隔离效应，从居所、食物获取和安全保障三个方面为人类提供了理想的长期定居条件，为农业和文

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：社会相比,生产能力有限的明代中国更注重当下多数民众的生存状况。以这样的思想观念来衡量,明政府追求稳定与最低经济活动水平的税收政策至少是可以理解的而非荒谬可笑的。