陕西古代农田水利科学技术初探

作者： 樊志民   来源： 水资源与水工程学报 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 夏禹   关中地区   水利科学技术   灌溉工程   水利措施   叔均   诗·小雅   沣水   水利史   小型工程  

描述： 陕西古代农田水利事业相当发展,在中国农田水利史上占有十分重要的地位。农田水利之始,大约可以追溯到先周时期。与后稷同时的夏禹决江疏河,致力乎沟洫事业,并且田彼南山,导引沣水,使之东流。周祖后稷列封疆

陇东窑洞:抹不去的温情回忆

作者： 岳超群   来源： 农村.农业.农民(A版) 年份： 2016 文献类型 ： 期刊 关键词： 居住形式   黄土沉积   地坑院   董志塬   李世荣   居住方式   李有   历史进程   夏商时期   文化景观  

描述： 陇之东,黄土高原上的土窑洞,可以说是人类穴居文明的居住典范。这一地球上黄土沉积最为深厚的地方,因为古老的黄土而天地苍黄,从洪荒到文明,演绎着黄土高原生命的传奇。相传早在夏商时期,周先祖公刘十多代人就

殷周政治与宗教关系研究

作者： 张荣明   来源： 南开大学 年份： 1995 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： Western   Shang   political   power   Zhou   theocracy   religion  

描述： ，no concerted Rttempt Was made to d<}fine r_he meaning of this "Divine Authnrity"Authority.'1"hi

全文：(小子族)。家族服从公族、公族服从王族,庶族服从贵族,由此确立起金字塔般的统治秩序。不同族组织的成员,身分贵贱等级不同,其政治、宗教活动的礼仪规范不同,祖的对象不同,贡献的祭品不同,采用礼乐的规格也不同

渭河平原县域农田土壤养分肥力空间特征研究

作者： 李志鹏   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 土壤养分   空间变异性   地统计学   养分肥力   时空变化  

描述： 渭河平原地势平坦，气候温和，土壤肥力水平主要受土壤养分含量的影响。本研究选取渭河平原腹地，素有“白菜心”之称的兴平市作为研究区，基于GIS技术支持平台，综合运用传统统计学、数理统计、地统计学等方法，结合“3414”田间肥效试验结果和1980s第二次土壤普查的珍贵历史数据集，研究兴平市农田土壤有机质、

全文：生态环境建设、精准农业的发展，测土配方项目的推进提供科学依据和理论指导。本研究的主要结果： （1）目前，兴平市农田土壤养分含量表现为：13项农田土壤养分属性指标的变异系数介于23.56%~74.87

《诗经》农事诗研究

作者： 张春霞   来源： 首都师范大学 年份： 2001 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 以农为本   天人合一   农事诗   乐天知命   农业文化  

描述： 本文运用社会文化学的理论分析了《诗经》这部中国最古老的诗歌选集的一 个重要主题——农事诗，共四章。第一章就农事诗的概念和基本篇目作了简单的 说明，将农事诗界定为：《诗经》中描述农事以及与农事直接相关的政治、宗教 活动和日常生活的诗歌；其篇目从狭义上定为《七月》、《楚茨》、《信南山》、《甫 田》、《大

全文：农事诗所 蕴涵的天命观、农业社会中人与自然的关系、人与神灵的关系三个角度探讨周民 族所特有的尽人事而敬天命、先人事而后鬼神的理性精神。文学层面从内容特色、 表现技巧两方面来探讨农事诗的文学特色。第四章是本文的结语，在第三章的基 础上，初步探讨传统诗歌与农业文化、民族精神之间的关系。

《诗经·豳风》研究

作者： 黄玲   来源： 广西师范大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 豳风   研究   周公  

描述： 本文对《豳风》的研究试图从宏观上把握历史文化背景,从微观上切入一个个具体的问题,对整个《豳风》进行系统全面的研究,以文献考辨为基础,重新细细审查丰富完整的传世文献,通过文史互证等方法,进一步探讨以下相关的重要问题。 “豳”之地望是必须解决的首要问题。“豳”地应该包括今天陕西省咸阳市旬邑、邠县以及甘肃

全文：内容与周公密切相关,否则不入此风。“豳”非诸侯国名,乃周人先祖的居地,周公作为这一专辑的主人公,其当时的历史地位堪与先祖并重。 《七月》是周族的农业史诗。诗作为周族的农业史诗出现在《豳风》并成为其代表

清代康雍乾时期的民食安全研究

作者： 周全霞   来源： 江南大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 民食   康雍乾时期   粮食安全  

描述： roblem at all times and in all over the world.

全文：价值。 本文在研究中主要采用社会科学和自然科学相结合、定性与定量相结合、部分和整体相结合的研究方法。全文基本思路和逻辑结构如下: 首先对康雍乾以前的民食安全做一回顾,把康雍乾以前分为夏商及其以前、两周

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：中的祖制、又要解决开中制无法有效满足边镇军饷需求的情况下,正盐开中于边、余盐纳银解往太仓库的双轨并行制度最终形成。通过这种方式,户部将盐法收入中的大部分直接集中于太仓库,从而加强了对盐法的监管和控制

唐代西北地区政治地理格局变动研究

作者： 魏昀   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 唐朝   疆域   羁縻府州   屯田   交通  

描述： th about three of culture and materials the country's territory changed a lot. The country's territory was in an extending period before and the An-Shi Armed Rebellion, and once extended to the Central Asia area.At the same time, the Tang government founded the Ji-Mi-Fu-Zhou system in the Western Regions. The situation changed rapidly when the An-Shi Armed Rebellion broke out. Then the central government mobilized the troops in the Western Regions to participating in putting down the Rebellion, so the border defence was weakened. Tu-bo took the chance to occupy a large amount of territory. Almost Long You Area was oppupied by Tu-bo later in Tang Dynasty. The thesis is divided into five chapters: political geography circumstance in northwest area in early Tang Dynasty，including the situation of physical geography and the nation regime; the political geography situation in the extending period of territory from Tai Zong to Gao Zong;the political geography situation in the stable period of territory from Wu-zhou era to An-Shi Armed Rebellion;the political geography situation in the shrinking period of territory after An-Shi Armed Rebellion;relationship between the change of political geography situation and economy and traffic. Conclusion: From A.D. 7th to 9th century，Asia-Erope Continent was a place where Tang, Da-shi and Tu-bo contended for political space. The country's power of politics, economy and military strengthened before An-Shi Armed Rebellion, and part of the Central Asia area belonged to Tang government. The territory reached to an unparalleled scale at that time, which can be divided into three parts: the capital area where Chang-an and Luoyang were located in was the empire's center of politics, culture and military; the Zheng-zhou that around the captals was where the finance of central government stemmed from; the Ji-mi-fu-zhou system Tang government founded in the frontier area was the military buffer zone with nation regimes in vicnity. At the same time, Tu-bo appeared in the stage of history in A.D 7th century. After the King Song-zan-gan-bu unified the Tibet plateau, Tu-bo's power strengthed rapidly and harassed Tang's frontiers inceasingly. The Tang government put the defense police actively into effect so as to resist Tu-bo's aggression and defend country's benefit in Long-you area. When An-Shi Armed Rebellion broke out, Tu-bo took the chance to occupy vast territory of Tang Dynasty, like Minzhou, Lanzhou, Kuozhou, Guazhou, and so on. Eventually, almost all Long-you areas belonging to Tang Dynasty was occupid by Tu-bo. In the field of geopolitics, the national power strengthened in the earlier stage of Tang Dynasty and stronger than Tu-bo. Tu-bo didn't have the strength contending with Tang Dynasty, even harassed the frontier once a while. Until the An-Shi Armed Rebellion, the Tang government had no more advantage and the national power was weakened.

全文：到了唐朝的势力范围,并在葱岭东西建立了羁縻统治体系。此时的唐朝疆域可以划分为三个圈层,一是长安和洛阳所在的两京地区,作为帝国的都城,既是全国的最高权力所在,又是政治、军事和文化中心;二是都城四周

西周井田制新探

作者： 张勋   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 宗族公社   西周土地宗族说   井田制  

描述： 井田制问题由来已久，自孟子起已两千余载，至今仍是扑朔迷离，列代大圣高贤都有宝贵箴言，研究成果粲然丰硕。但前人提及井田制，多有否认井田制者，认为井田多是孟子基于现实的理想化制度。因为关于井田制度的历史记载多有冲突，如《孟子》与《周礼》记载不符，且即使是《周礼》本身记载也是自相矛盾，后世的记载更是与这两

全文：在公私田上的劳作及赋税什一问题，我们重点论述土地定期打乱重分的概念，对宗族公社和农村公社的异同简单比较，说明周属和隶属公社的存在。接着论证了井田制下的个体家庭个体生产的可能性，论述了个体家庭实际耕占