泰安市农业观光旅游问题研究

作者： 张鹏   来源： 山东农业大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 发展模式   SWOT分析   农业观光旅游   对策措施   泰安市  

描述： 农业观光旅游是立足于乡村,服务于城市的新型产业,也是建设现代农业助推新农村建设的重要内容。发展农业观光旅游投资不多,效益明显,且能够利用我国丰富的农业资源、旅游资源以及劳动力资源,为实现农业可持续发展做出贡献。因此,当前发展农业观光旅游意义深远重大。 本文主要应用文献资料收集,掌握当前国内外关于农业

全文：可操作性原则和可持续发展原则探讨了泰安如何发展农业观光旅游的问题,提出促进泰安市农业观光旅游的措施和建议,并对泰安市发展农业观光旅游进行了深刻的总结。通过分析研究得到以下结论: (1)农业观光旅游是以

基于文化生态学的庆阳农耕文化与区域环境关系研究

作者： 苗红   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 庆阳   文化剖面   响应   农耕文化   环境影响  

描述： 文化是人地相互作用的产物和综合表现。研究文化与自然及人文环境的响应，探索文化在人类与环境相互作用下的形成过程是了解人地关系的重要途径。庆阳农耕文化具有悠久性、多元性和连续性，是研究文化与环境响应的典型“剖面”。因此，本文选取庆阳农耕文化为研究对象，从文化生态学(Cultural Ecology)的视

全文：农业及农耕文化产生、形成和发展的影响，即本文的第三章：1)特殊的黄土结构、地理景观的边缘效应、围合与尺度效应以及隔离效应，从居所、食物获取和安全保障三个方面为人类提供了理想的长期定居条件，为农业和文

先秦儒道思想与中国农业可持续发展研究

作者： 陈西平   来源： 山东农业大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 可持续发展   道家   农业   先秦   儒家  

描述： 面对人口增长、资源破坏、技术制约、制度制约、生态恶化、区域失衡、国际竞争等一系列严峻挑战,走可持续发展之路成为国际社会的共识。中国是一个人口大国、农业大国,有不同于别国的特殊国情,走一条符合中国国情的农业可持续发展之路意义重大。作为一个农业文明历史悠久的国家,根植于中国古代农业社会的儒道思想一诞生就

全文：阐述了先秦儒道思想现代价值及其在中国农业可持续发展中的应用。先秦儒道哲学中许多观点、理论,不仅对建立良好的社会秩序,促进稳定和团结,构建社会主义和谐新农村有重要的借鉴意义。而且,对更新人们的观念,提升

性别语境中的土族民间叙事研究

作者： 白晓霞   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 性别语境   民间叙事   土族  

描述： lk narratives in the gender context is performed. The term "gender context" refers to a cultural context that is closely linked with the "social gender".

全文：了如下的文化动向： 1、民间叙事中女性现代性意识的集体萌生与个体的初步突围。 八十年代，随着社会环境和文化语境的整体改变，在社会角色的扮演、家庭文化的传承方面，土族女性的自我意识开始了前所未有的现代性觉醒

传统儒家家庭伦理及其对我国现代家庭伦理建设的启示

作者： 裴夕   来源： 西南财经大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 现代家庭伦理   启示   儒家家庭伦理   建设  

描述： and trends, these new situation on the traditional family ethics raised new challenges in the traditional Confucian family ethics formed a huge impact.

全文：,’促使家庭由封闭走向开放,家庭观念淡化。而人际关系网络急剧增大,相应地淡化了血缘关系和亲缘关系,家庭结构逐渐松散。个人独立意识加强,家庭本位让位于个人本位。家庭关系呈现出民主平等化的趋势,可能

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作者： 李恩   来源： 吉林大学 年份： 2012 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 生态农业   农民专业合作社   人与自然和谐   农村生态文化  

描述： 进入21世纪，世界各地自然灾害频繁爆发，并且出现了几十年不遇的极端异常天气。这些异常情况，在我国也屡见不鲜。这些灾害性天气，让我们深刻地认识到追求高增长给自然环境带来的严重破坏。20世纪末，吉林人民出版社出版了一套绿色经典文库，在总序中吴国盛指出：“我国经济正处在高增长时期，环境污染和生态破坏相当严

全文：、倡导绿色观念、确立绿色伦理，是我们走向新世纪所面临的一个迫切而又艰巨的文化工程，中国的绿色事业任重而道远。”可直到今天，在高速增长的过程中，追求财富的“企业家”们，对环境的关怀依然少见行动。一轮又一

中国农业伦理问题研究

作者： 方金   来源： 山东农业大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农业政策伦理   农业环境与资源伦理   农业伦理   伦理型农业体系   农产品生产与交易伦理  

描述： 农业是国民经济的基础,三农问题一直是党和国家十分重视的重大问题。改革开放以来,我国农村政策有了很大调整,农村经济得到了快速发展,农产品的生产和交易空前繁荣,农业新技术日新月异,农村面貌和农民生活有了很大改善。然而,在这些重大变化的同时,农业领域以及农产品生产与交易过程中也出现了许多问题,比如:生物技

全文：伦理学的角度探讨农产品生产与交易过程中的伦理问题,并就伦理型农业生产和农产品交易战略的构建进行了研究。最后,对我国更加公正和合乎伦理的农业体系构建提出了初步设想。 本文的主要研究内容和结论如下: 1

《诗经》中生活习俗研究

作者： 王志芳   来源： 山东大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 生活习俗   考古发现   综合分析   《诗经》   文献记载  

描述： 《诗经》以其记载历史的真实性和记叙内容的丰富性，加之诗歌特有的简洁、凝练、含蓄的艺术性，激发着历代学者的研究热情。许多学者从民俗学角度关注其中的生活习俗，挖掘和探究其深厚的民俗文化内涵。随着考古学的发展，考古资料逐渐被引进《诗经》研究领域，推动了《诗经》研究的进一步发展。本文在借助前人研究成果基础上

全文：观念、道德信仰、价值取向、思维方式和情感意志，进一步强化人们对《诗经》史料价值的认同和肯定。 本文从《诗经》记载的纷繁复杂的习俗中，选取了最贴近民生的农耕、采集、渔猎、畜牧等物质生产习俗和服饰、饮食

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：社会相比,生产能力有限的明代中国更注重当下多数民众的生存状况。以这样的思想观念来衡量,明政府追求稳定与最低经济活动水平的税收政策至少是可以理解的而非荒谬可笑的。