西周井田制新探

作者： 张勋   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 宗族公社   西周土地宗族说   井田制  

描述： 井田制问题由来已久，自孟子起已两千余载，至今仍是扑朔迷离，列代大圣高贤都有宝贵箴言，研究成果粲然丰硕。但前人提及井田制，多有否认井田制者，认为井田多是孟子基于现实的理想化制度。因为关于井田制度的历史记载多有冲突，如《孟子》与《周礼》记载不符，且即使是《周礼》本身记载也是自相矛盾，后世的记载更是与这两

全文：记载多有冲突，如《孟子》与《周礼》记载不符，且即使是《周礼》本身记载也是自相矛盾，后世的记载更是与这两者颇有不同，实为貌合实离，故人多非之。西周土地是“田里不鬻”的，这就使得井田的公私田一说尤为可疑

基于文化生态学的庆阳农耕文化与区域环境关系研究

作者： 苗红   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 庆阳   文化剖面   响应   农耕文化   环境影响  

描述： 文化是人地相互作用的产物和综合表现。研究文化与自然及人文环境的响应，探索文化在人类与环境相互作用下的形成过程是了解人地关系的重要途径。庆阳农耕文化具有悠久性、多元性和连续性，是研究文化与环境响应的典型“剖面”。因此，本文选取庆阳农耕文化为研究对象，从文化生态学(Cultural Ecology)的视

全文：农业及农耕文化产生、形成和发展的影响，即本文的第三章：1)特殊的黄土结构、地理景观的边缘效应、围合与尺度效应以及隔离效应，从居所、食物获取和安全保障三个方面为人类提供了理想的长期定居条件，为农业和文

20世纪20-40年代西北灾荒研究

作者： 温艳   来源： 西北大学 年份： 2005 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 20世纪20   救灾   西北地区   灾荒   40年代  

描述： 20世纪20—40年代是民国成立以来西北地区灾荒发生最频繁、最惨烈的时期,几乎无年不灾,无时不灾、无处不灾。各种自然灾害连续并交叉发生,形成灾害链;水旱等灾害呈现出与邻近省份的相同性。从整体上看,这一时期西北灾害的发生具有范围越来越广、频率越来越高的特点。严重的灾荒不仅使得西北地区人口锐减,体质下降

全文：,这一时期西北灾害的发生具有范围越来越广、频率越来越高的特点。严重的灾荒不仅使得西北地区人口锐减,体质下降,而且极大地冲击着几千年来的传统伦理与道德;灾荒还造成了农村劳动力和耕畜减少,土地荒芜,农业生产

光绪朝（1875-1908）灾荒研究

作者： 张高臣   来源： 山东大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 近代义赈   灾荒观   光绪朝自然灾害   社会影响   荒政  

描述： 光绪朝34年间,正处在中国封建统治崩溃的前夜,是中国社会发生剧烈变动的一个时期：通过中法战争、中日战争和八国联军侵华战争,帝国主义的势力步步深入,中国社会迅速向着半殖民地半封建的性质转化。伴随着民族危机的加深和清王朝封建统治的日暮穷途,中国社会内部相继发生了洋务运动、维新变法运动、义和团运动和辛亥革

全文：自然灾害与社会经济,光绪朝自然灾害与社会冲突三个方面展开了集中的分析阐述： 关于光绪朝自然灾害与人口变迁。论文分析指出,频繁、严重的灾荒造成了巨量的人口死亡,减缓了人口增长的速度,这是光绪朝人口增长缓慢

唐代关中农田水利、水利管理及立法研究

作者： 陈雨梅   来源： 西北大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 唐代关中   水利法规   农田水利   水利管理  

描述： onstruction was directly related to the survival of dynasty.

全文：西夏《天盛律令》及李好文的《长安志图》中相关水利法规探讨对唐水利法规的继承性。第五部分主要介绍与水相关的几个问题,以泾河上的碾硙为例,探讨水利具体执行过程与水利法规上的冲突；唐代关中水利在唐前后期的变化及其原因；唐代关中名胜古迹与水的关系；关中农田水利对生态的影响。

唐代西北地区政治地理格局变动研究

作者： 魏昀   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 唐朝   疆域   羁縻府州   屯田   交通  

描述： th about three of culture and materials the country's territory changed a lot. The country's territory was in an extending period before and the An-Shi Armed Rebellion, and once extended to the Central Asia area.At the same time, the Tang government founded the Ji-Mi-Fu-Zhou system in the Western Regions. The situation changed rapidly when the An-Shi Armed Rebellion broke out. Then the central government mobilized the troops in the Western Regions to participating in putting down the Rebellion, so the border defence was weakened. Tu-bo took the chance to occupy a large amount of territory. Almost Long You Area was oppupied by Tu-bo later in Tang Dynasty. The thesis is divided into five chapters: political geography circumstance in northwest area in early Tang Dynasty，including the situation of physical geography and the nation regime; the political geography situation in the extending period of territory from Tai Zong to Gao Zong;the political geography situation in the stable period of territory from Wu-zhou era to An-Shi Armed Rebellion;the political geography situation in the shrinking period of territory after An-Shi Armed Rebellion;relationship between the change of political geography situation and economy and traffic. Conclusion: From A.D. 7th to 9th century，Asia-Erope Continent was a place where Tang, Da-shi and Tu-bo contended for political space. The country's power of politics, economy and military strengthened before An-Shi Armed Rebellion, and part of the Central Asia area belonged to Tang government. The territory reached to an unparalleled scale at that time, which can be divided into three parts: the capital area where Chang-an and Luoyang were located in was the empire's center of politics, culture and military; the Zheng-zhou that around the captals was where the finance of central government stemmed from; the Ji-mi-fu-zhou system Tang government founded in the frontier area was the military buffer zone with nation regimes in vicnity. At the same time, Tu-bo appeared in the stage of history in A.D 7th century. After the King Song-zan-gan-bu unified the Tibet plateau, Tu-bo's power strengthed rapidly and harassed Tang's frontiers inceasingly. The Tang government put the defense police actively into effect so as to resist Tu-bo's aggression and defend country's benefit in Long-you area. When An-Shi Armed Rebellion broke out, Tu-bo took the chance to occupy vast territory of Tang Dynasty, like Minzhou, Lanzhou, Kuozhou, Guazhou, and so on. Eventually, almost all Long-you areas belonging to Tang Dynasty was occupid by Tu-bo. In the field of geopolitics, the national power strengthened in the earlier stage of Tang Dynasty and stronger than Tu-bo. Tu-bo didn't have the strength contending with Tang Dynasty, even harassed the frontier once a while. Until the An-Shi Armed Rebellion, the Tang government had no more advantage and the national power was weakened.

全文：的军事冲突,四年之后的安史之乱,更使得唐在与吐蕃、大食的角逐中的优势不复存在。由此,唐朝在政治军事上开始处于“守势”,已不能与唐前期的国家实力相提并论。

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：。明代国家财政的目标是通过最小限度地征收民众财富以满足维持国家正常运行的基本需求,其背后隐含的理念是要最大限度地保障最大多数人的基本物质生存条件。私人利益与国家公共利益之间的冲突是明代财政制度中的根本矛盾

汉代农业生产管理研究

作者： 黄富成   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 农耕文明   小农经济   农业技术   汉代   农业生产   政府管理  

描述： 农业是自然再生产和社会再生产的统一，是社会经济的基础，是整个古代世界具有决定性的生产部门。两汉时期，为巩固集权统治地位，政府加强了对社会经济干预的程度，农业生产和发展的各种资源性要素，如土地配置、人口流动、技术传播、铁器布控、经济交流乃至农本文化的宣教、农田开发等因受集权政府政治、经济发展的战略及制

全文：和发展的基础，拥有法律意义上的私有田宅不仅是小农安身立命的经济基础，也是政府“有恒产者有恒心”经济伦理思想的体现。政府通过减税、“以律占租”、灾免、借贷、假田等法律确认的形式培植和维护小农经济个体的普遍

中国古代害虫观念与防治技术研究

作者： 龚光明   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 观念   防治技术   农作物害虫   中国古代  

描述： 中国古代以农立国,农业丰歉直接关乎社会稳定、人类幸福。因此,农业害虫一直受到关注,人们不断探索、总结其规律及应对措施。在生产实践中,害虫观念、防治技术在继承的基础上不断发展与更新。不同时期害虫观念的变化对防治政策的制定及防治技术的实施产生深远影响。 古代农业害虫以蝗、螟、好蚄及未知名害虫为主,次数依

全文：,构建害虫防治的生态伦理观念,从生物多样性角度明确害虫存在的价值与意义,利用自然控制作用预防害虫；另一方面,在非介入人类干预不可的情形下,尽可能把所有现存技术考虑在内,实行害虫综合防治。