元代农书农业词汇研究

作者： 曾令香   来源： 山东师范大学 年份： 2012 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 语义语法   农业词汇   隐喻认知   元代农书  

描述： 元朝是古代农学史上一个非常重要的时期，由于社会、政治的变动，统治者的劝农政策，以及文人自身的原因等，元朝出现了大量的农学著作，是农书发展历程中的一个高峰期，但大多数农书都失传了。保存至今比较完备的有三大农书，即《农桑辑要》、《王祯农书》和《农桑衣食撮要》，这三部农书都遵循了《齐民要术》大农业的结构框

全文：继续使用；其次是农业词语对全民共同语的渗透，或直接渗透，或引申渗透，或比喻渗透，或本源回归。在对元代农书中的农业词汇进行共时描写和历时分析的基础上，对农业词汇中出现的同实异名和同名异实现象进行了描写和解

曹魏两大政治集团论析

作者： 王建明   来源： 山东大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 曹魏政治集团   汝颍   谯沛  

描述： Group headed by Cao Cao, Shuzhong Group led by Liu Bei, Jiangdong Group led by Sun Quan. The political bloc led by Cao Cao had the most abundant strength and talents came forth in large numbers. During the long-term expedition two major factions within formed: Ru一Ying Group and Qiao Pei Group. Ru-Ying Group charged civil service mainly and Qiao Pei Group was mainly made up of generals. These two groups had a long-term punitive expedition since Cao Cao fought against Dong Zhuo. Finally they unified vast areas of Northern China and carried out fruitful management, which avoided serious damage in the region by a long war and laid a good economic, political and military foundation for the unification of China in the future. Cao Cao fought against Dong Zhuo at the beginning, seizing Yanzhou, Zhangxiu, Xuhuai, Guandu, the four states, Wuhuan and Jingzhou, beat the seemingly invincible powerful opponents one after another. His forces got stronger and stronger. The two major political groups of Cao Wei supported Caocao on political and military aspects. Because these two groups represented the interests of their own, inevitably buried hidden dangers of can get on well with in adversity but can not share wealth. Ru-Ying Group is represented by the family of Han who was in the name of safeguarding the rule of the Eastern Han dynasty but to protect their interests. They can support Cao Cao's domination, but resolutely oppose his taking over Han dynasty. Qiao Pei Group on behalf of Cao Cao's family numbers who wished to gain greater benefits through Cao Cao's taking over Han dynasty. AD 209 years, The Battle of Red Cliff, which was Cao Cao's great cause of reunification of the most important ended in failure. As the highest strategic staff groups, Ru Ying Group throughout the campaign process simultaneously inconceivable aphasia, and the army of Cao Cao was defeated. Cao Cao became unable to dominate the country again in the rest of his life. This result was what Sun Quan, Liu Bei would like to see, Ru Ying Group was also willing to see it. From the historical records there was no record of staff at the Advanced Medium's death to give people the impression that Ru-Ying Group seemed to have known the defeat in advance. When Cao Cao was still alive, Qiao Pei Group holded the upper hand. But after the death of Cao Cao, Ru-Ying Group strongly supported Cao Pi to be the king. Finally Chen Qun put forward "Jiupinzhongzheng system", which established the family of Han's political monopoly. The two major political groups gradually moved towards a balance. After the death of Wei Ming King, the two major political groups split from co-operation, eventually formed a situation of endless immortality. Cao Shuang and He Yan of Qiao Pei Group were launched by Sima Yi through Gaopingling case when the situation was good. Sima Yi killed Cao Shuang and holded military and political power in the country. He cruelly blowed members of the Group Qiao Pei through a series of charges against them. Then, Jin Dynasty took place Wei. Ru-Ying Group obtained a comprehensive win. While Qiao Pei Group after its three generations with a heavy heart exit stage of history.

全文：内部这两大政治集团自跟随曹操进行南征北战之日起,由于各自代表的集团利益的不同,不可避免地埋下了可以共患难、不能共富贵的隐患。汝颍集团代表的是以维护东汉没落统治为名,保护自身在东汉末期的利益为实的世家大族

甘州区农业用水的绩效及影响因素分析

作者： 秦宏毅   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： Logistic回归模型   影响因素分析   农民用水户协会   绩效分析   网络层次分析法  

描述： 随着原有农村灌溉管理制度暴露各种问题,在现实中水资源管理也遇到了一系列的困境。此时,我国灌溉管理制度在国际背景参与式管理热潮下,开始推行农民用水户协会来实现农民自主参与灌溉管理的新制度。成立农民用水户协会后,因为其管水用水更合理,实现了降低了交易费用、明晰了水利工程的产权、并促进了节约用水、增强了农

全文：支持力度不够、缺乏良好的发展环境,协会运行管理经费不足和水利工程设施产权界定明晰度不够等问题；并根据这些问题提出了相关的政策建议,包括打破行政格局,提倡按水文边界构建用水户协会；加强宣传工作,切实提高

西周井田制新探

作者： 张勋   来源： 陕西师范大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 宗族公社   西周土地宗族说   井田制  

描述： 井田制问题由来已久，自孟子起已两千余载，至今仍是扑朔迷离，列代大圣高贤都有宝贵箴言，研究成果粲然丰硕。但前人提及井田制，多有否认井田制者，认为井田多是孟子基于现实的理想化制度。因为关于井田制度的历史记载多有冲突，如《孟子》与《周礼》记载不符，且即使是《周礼》本身记载也是自相矛盾，后世的记载更是与这两

全文：记载多有冲突，如《孟子》与《周礼》记载不符，且即使是《周礼》本身记载也是自相矛盾，后世的记载更是与这两者颇有不同，实为貌合实离，故人多非之。西周土地是“田里不鬻”的，这就使得井田的公私田一说尤为可疑

陕北黄土高原小流域治理及其效益评价

作者： 王军强   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2001 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 评价   陕北黄土高原   效益   小流域治理  

描述： 本文应用生态经济学的理论和方法，对陕北黄土高原小流域治理进行了调查，根据项目要求共选择了十一条典型小流域（试区），并按试区治理的特点划分为五种治理模式，系统总结了陕北黄土高原水土流失综合治理的经验。建立了一套比较完整适用的小流域评价指标体系，应用层次分析法、多层次模糊综合评价法对治理模式和各条小流域

全文：、粮桐间作等模式）、苹果开发、舍饲养羊、移民搬迁等方法。 结合实际情况和参考资料，建立了一套比较完整适用的小流域治理评价指标体系。应用层次分析法，综合专家打分，确定评价指标的权重。评价结果与实际情况

银川市耕地变化与基本农田空间布局优化研究

作者： 李建春   来源： 中国农业大学 年份： 2014 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： GIS   耕地   土地评价   基本农田   土地利用/覆被变化  

描述： 耕地是土地资源中的精华,人们获取农产品的基础条件。结合我国人多地少的国情,以及城市化过程中不可避免占用耕地的状况,更加凸显了耕地保护研究的重要性。通过选取西部地区具有典型代表的银川市作为研究区,结合遥感和GIS,分析了在快速城市化背景下区域耕地变化规律性特点,识别耕地变化关键驱动因子,预测耕地变化趋

全文：和科学支撑,本研究主要结论如下： (1)在快速城市化的背景下,通过对银川市耕地数量、空间与质量变化规律分析表明：1989-2009年间,耕地表现出持续快速膨胀式扩张的特点。1999年前,耕地增加主要

基于文化生态学的庆阳农耕文化与区域环境关系研究

作者： 苗红   来源： 兰州大学 年份： 2007 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 庆阳   文化剖面   响应   农耕文化   环境影响  

描述： 文化是人地相互作用的产物和综合表现。研究文化与自然及人文环境的响应，探索文化在人类与环境相互作用下的形成过程是了解人地关系的重要途径。庆阳农耕文化具有悠久性、多元性和连续性，是研究文化与环境响应的典型“剖面”。因此，本文选取庆阳农耕文化为研究对象，从文化生态学(Cultural Ecology)的视

全文：农业及农耕文化产生、形成和发展的影响，即本文的第三章：1)特殊的黄土结构、地理景观的边缘效应、围合与尺度效应以及隔离效应，从居所、食物获取和安全保障三个方面为人类提供了理想的长期定居条件，为农业和文

宁南旱区应变型种植制度的机理与技术体系构建

作者： 王龙昌   来源： 西北农林科技大学 年份： 2001 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 机理   应变型种植制度   决策系统   技术体系－   干早   旱区农业  

描述： 旱地农业在我国和世界农业生产中都占据十分重要的地位，随着人口增长，人类面临的食 物短缺、水资源危机及环境恶化的形势更加严峻，旱地农业发展受到广大旱区国家高度重视， 并在早区农作制度研究方面取得许多重大进展。 宁南旱区地处黄土高原西北端，属黄河中游黄土丘陵沟壑区，旱作农田占总耕地面积的 90％。该区气

全文：利用和农业可持续发展，实 现社会效益、经济效益与生态效益协同增长。 全文共分九章。第一章是引言，在全面论述日益严峻的水资源短缺态势和干旱加剧趋势基 础上，对国内外旱区农作制度研究进展进行概括综述，展示

明代太仓库研究

作者： 苏新红   来源： 东北师范大学 年份： 2009 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  

描述： the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”（太仓库） , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign（正统） , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku（ Jiuku， 旧库） stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian，屯田 )， peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before

全文：中的祖制、又要解决开中制无法有效满足边镇军饷需求的情况下,正盐开中于边、余盐纳银解往太仓库的双轨并行制度最终形成。通过这种方式,户部将盐法收入中的大部分直接集中于太仓库,从而加强了对盐法的监管和控制

中国传统水车研究

作者： 方立松   来源： 南京农业大学 年份： 2010 文献类型 ： 学位论文 关键词： 传统水车   农具史   农田灌溉  

描述： large-scale farming tool that can water continuously from the ground-surface water in the rivers, lakes, or pools, and is mainly applied to lifting water to the high ground or drain water in the low-lying farmland. Due to the reason that the traditional

全文：的促进作用巨大。 传统水车最早为东汉末年毕岚创制、三国马钧改良,时称翻车,为后世龙骨水车之前身。翻车的出现开创了人类从江湖河渠中汲水的新纪元,预示着灌溉史上水车时代的到来。翻车随南迁的移民来到南方,成为南方