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新疆木垒县乌孜别克族游牧社会文化变迁研究
作者: 解志伟   来源: 中央民族大学 年份: 2009 文献类型 : 学位论文 关键词: 乌孜别克族   文化   变迁   游牧社会   转场  
描述: jiang, whose formation and development is closely linked with nomadism: the source of the Uzbek nationality is made up of many ancient nomads of the Eurasian; the way of nomadic life lasts in the Uzbek nationality } and today's Uzbeks in Danangou Township of Mori County in Xinjiang are still engaged in nomadism and it is their traditional livelihood. They have created and are creating a rich
全文:乌孜别克族游牧社会生活文化变迁进行了系统的描述。本文前半部分以乌孜别克族的历史及其游牧生活为中心,首先论述了游牧业与转场的起源和乌孜别克族的民族过程,分析了游牧业在乌孜别克族形成与发展过程中的意义,随后
明代太仓库研究
作者: 苏新红   来源: 东北师范大学 年份: 2009 文献类型 : 学位论文 关键词: 太仓库   年例银   北边军饷   盐法   户部   明代财政  
描述: the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was always changing, this dissertation makes research on the state silver Treasury of the Ming Jiajing, Cunji Salt(存积盐effective way to solve this problem was to cultivate generations of gentry scholars with high-level morals. That was the fundamental reason that the Ming country preferred the selection and appointment of virtued talents to the complex and precise construction of the country’s systems. The basic problem of the Ming Dynasty’s tax system did not lie in whether the tax rate was high or low, but lie in the up-grading contradiction between the country’s decreasing ability to collect taxes and the increasing financial need in reality. The standard to measure the Ming Dynasty’s financial system was whether it corresponded to Ming people’s financial ideas and values. Compared with the modern capital society in which the personal interest has its natural justice, Ming China, with the limited productive capability, paid the most possible attention to the living conditions of the maximum current people. Judged by this idea, Ming China’s tax policy aiming to maintain the society’s steadiness and the minimum economic developing level was at least comprehensible rather than preposterous. ) was occasionally sold and the silver got by this was sent to Taicangku due to Taicangku’s financial need. However, this behaviour never became formally systematized. In the Jiajing period, in the dilemma that the forefathers’ governing systems should be maintained and the problem that Kaizhong System(开中制 ) could not effectively meet the north military towns’ financial need, a two-way system was formed gradually, in which Zhengyan(the original amount of salt controlled by the government, 正盐 ) was still kept for the north military towns and Yuyan(the residual salt, 余盐 ) was sold into silver and the silver was sent to Taicangku. Through this system, the Ministry of Revenue collected most of the incomes of the salt system into Taicangku and therefore strengthened its supervision and control towards the Salt Monopoly system. Because of the principle that the income from the Salt Monopoly system should be used to provide the military provisions and pays, which was set up in the early Ming Dynasty, the relationship between Taicangku and the north military towns’ financial expenditures was further strengthened too. All in all, the financial system of the Ming Dynasty was full of life and it kept changing as time went by or under the influences of different historical factors. This transforming process never ceased. Thus the study on the financial system of the Ming Dynasty or even the systems of the traditional China should pay attention to the community’s whole life process that the concerned system lived in. Only in this way can the reforming reasons and the basic conditions of the studied system be understood more clearly. As to the Emperor’s power in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system, it seems that the previous study has exaggerated it. In the Ming Dynasty, it had a clear tendency that the government’s public finances and the emperor’s personal finances separated from each other step by step. In this process, the Ministry of Revenue had a certain amount of administrative power towards Taicangku. Although all the economic decisions should get the emperor’s permission at last, it did not mean that the emperor’s financial power could not be divided or all the institutions under the emperor had only duties but no powers. Most of the previous study on the Ming Dynasty’s economics used the class struggle theory and paid too much attention to the contradictions between the ruling classes and the ruled ones. This dissertation’s study shows that inside the ruling classes there were enduring and profound struggles between the gentry scholars, who paid more attention to the country’s entire benefits, and the interest group with the emperor at the core, who put too much emphasis on their personal interests. The goal of the Ming Dynasty’s finances was to maintain the proper administration of the country by levying the minimum taxes and the ideological essence behind it was to protect the basic physical living conditions of the maximum people. The contradiction between the personal interest and the country’s public benefit was the basic problem in the Ming Dynasty’s financial system. Under the condition of keeping the imperial system unchanged, the comparatively practical and Dynasty, which in Chinese was called “Taicangku”(太仓库) , and aims to draw a line of what Taicangku’s financial system and status were and how they changed as the time went by. In order to show the main vertical line of Taicangku’s evolution, the basic method is to arrange the concerned historical materials in the chronological sequence. As to the bibliography, Mingshilu (《明实录》 ) keeps a complete record from the beginning to the end of the Ming Dynasty, and thus covers the whole developing course of Taicangku, which makes it the core document of this dissertation. Meanwhile, in order to know more precisely about the lateral condition of Taicangku’s financial system and status, this dissertation makes full use of the historical documents on the Ming Dynasty’s systems, such as Zhusizhizhang (《诸司职掌》 ), Minghuidian (《明会典》 ) , Taicangkao (《太仓考》 ), Wanli Kuaijilu (《万历会计录》 ) and so on. Besides, the collected works of Zhao Shiqing (赵 世卿) , Bi Ziyan (毕自严 ), Ni Yuanlu (倪元璐 ), who were the First Lord of the Ministry of Revenue (户部尚书 ), contain many official papers on Taicangku and therefore are important to this dissertation. This dissertation also refers to many other gentry scholars’ personal collected works or official papers. This dissertation’s study shows that Neiku( 内库 ) was an institution both for the government’s public finances and the imperial household’s private finances at the early period of the Ming Dynasty. As Neiku kept reducing its government financial duties and became mainly the setup for the imperial household’s private finances, Taicangku,which was set up in the seventh year of Zhengtong’s reign(正统) , took up more and more public financial duties of the country. Besides, the larger and larger silver need in the north military towns was another reason that Taicangku’s revenue items kept increasing. After a long and slow evolving process in Zhengtong, Jingtai(景泰 ), Tianshun(天顺 ),Chenghua(成化 ) and so on, Taicangku developed quickly in Jiajing(嘉靖 ), Longqing(隆庆 ) and Wanli (万历 ). As Taicangku’s revenue became larger, its financial status got higher and this process reached its peak in the first period of Wanli, when its income in the outside warehouse was used for the regular expenditures in the capital and the north military towns while the silvers in the old and underground warehouses were stored and saved for military emergencies or serious natural calamities. At this period, the income of Neiku was used mainly for the imperial household’s expenses. In the middle period of Wanli, on one hand, the financial need of the north military towns was still expanding while the Ministry of Revenue was no longer capable of enlarging Taicangku’s revenue items and its income amount, which resulted in the bigger and bigger gap between Taicangku’s fixed revenue and the north military towns’ practical financial need. On the other hand, Taicangku’s revenue items and its practical income amount kept decreasing due to the increase of the uncollected taxes and exempted taxes so that it was unable to pay its fixed amount of annual silver to the north military towns. Although the augmentation of new taxes and the borrowings from the old and underground warehouses of Taicangku and the Ministry of Revenue in Nanjing relieved Taicangku from its financial difficulties temporarily, they could neither change the tendency that Taicangku’s income became less and less nor alter the fact that the financial needs of the north military towns kept increasing. The reverse transformations between Taicangku’s practical revenue and the north military towns’ financial needs led to the collapse of the Ming Dynasty’s government finances. Among Taicangku’s spending items, the most important one was the annual silver sent to the north military towns. In the early and middle developing periods of Taicangku, Taicangku’s annual silver was only a part of the Capital’s annual silver(Jingyunyin, 京运银 ). At the end of Jiajing and the beginning of Longqing, Taicangku took up the main duty to provide the Capital’s annual silver. In the early period of Wanli, the issue of Taicangku’s annual silver was ruled by the steady system and this part of silver became a regular component of the north military towns’ financial provisions to maintain their fundamental administration. From then on to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s annual silver and the Capital’s annual silver became one thing. Although the record of Taicangku’s providing the annual silver could be seen in the documents of Chenghua, the record of its yearly provided amount appeared in the first year of Longqing. In Jiajing’s reign, Taicangku had become the important setup to grant the Capital’s annual silver, although there were not enough historical materials to prove that this period’s Capital annual silver was entirely taken on by Taicangku. In Longqing and the early period of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver was steady and the difference between different years was not big; the budget of Taicangku’s annual silver could be realized and there was no big gap between the budget amount and the practical granted amount of Taicangku’s annual silver. From the fifteenth year of Wanli to the thirty-sixth year of Wanli, the yearly amount of Taicangku’s annual silver increased quickly and formed so much financial pressure to Taicangku that the Ministry of Revenue had to borrow silver from its own old and underground warehouses, or from the the silver storehouse of the Court of the Imperial Stud(Taipusi, 太仆寺 ). On the other hand, as Taicangku’s practically colleted revenue became less and less, Taicangku’s practical expenditure of its annual silver became decreasing. From the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, the annual silver’s budget of the previously built warehouse of Taicangku( Jiuku, 旧库) stopped increasing and maintained at a relatively steady level. At the same time, the practical silver amount that Taicangku provided to the north military towns reduced quickly and the gap between them became larger and larger. At the end of Longqing and the beginning of Wanli, the proportion of Taicangku’s annual silver and the north military towns’ total amount of military provisions was almost equal to one third. On one side, this rate showed that Taicangku’s annual silver had become very important to the north military towns; on the other hand, this rate also reflected that the provisions of the north military towns were not completely relied on Taicangku’s annual silver and the incomes from the Soldiers’ Field (Tuntian,屯田 ), peasant-transported tax (Minyun, 民运) and salt monopoly, which were two thirds of the whole provisions of the north military towns, were still the fundamental part. The basic financial principle of the Ming Dynasty was to expend according to the income and this year’s revenue and stock were usually expended for the next year. However, in the most years after Jiajing, due to the high financial pressure of the north military towns and the fact that the income was not enough to cover the expending need, the Ming government had to take measures to enlarge Taicangku’s revenue items. As a result, some of the provisional income items or the items that were meant to meet certain emergencies finally became formal and institutional elements of Taicangku’s income. In the most years from the late period of Wanli to Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditure frequently exceeded its yearly income. Not only the newly-added revenue could not be collected, but also more and more original amount of income could not be collected. In most of the recorded years from the seventh year of Jiajing until Chongzhen, Taicangku’s yearly expenditures exceeded its yearly revenues. However, in this situation, Ming China’s financial system kept running for more than a century. The first reason was that the editors of Mingshilu had a strong inclination to choose Taicangku’s losing years to record, which strengthened the impression that Taicangku was at a loss for a long period. The second reason was that Taicangku’s revenue amount generally referred to the incomes of the fixed tax items while the borrowed silver from other institutions were included in Taicangku’s expenditures but excluded from Taicangku’s incomes. The third reason was that one of the motive forces of Taicangku’s development was its enlarging financial expenditures. The last reason was that Taicangku’s value to the Ming government’s financial system, especially to the north military towns’ militrary provisions and pays, was not fundamental but subsidiary. Finally, the history of the evolving relationship between Taicangku and Salt Monopoly system showed that the Jiajing period was the watershed of their financial relationship. Before
全文:,进而以太仓库为中心,对明代国家财政体系运行的机制、状态,以及明代中央财政体系的基本类型特征进行系统的分析。 就参考文献而言,《明实录》记事通贯明代始终,是涵盖太仓库运作全过程的一套最成体系的史料,本文
清代伊犁社会经济研究
作者: 张文亚   来源: 西北师范大学 年份: 2009 文献类型 : 学位论文 关键词: 清代   伊犁   社会经济  
描述: After unifying Xinjiang, Qing dynasty established General governance system to govern Xinjiang on the foundation of early Qing dynasty.
全文:清政府统一新疆后,伊犁成为全疆政治、军事、经济、文化的中心。后沙俄侵占大片土地,伊犁遂为边城,首府也迁往乌鲁木齐。新疆建省后设立府县制,伊犁九城中的绥定成为伊犁府的治所,中心城市由惠远转为宁远城
仰韶文化二次合葬墓及相关问题研究
作者: 朱忠华   来源: 西北大学 年份: 2009 文献类型 : 学位论文 关键词: 二次合葬   社会结构   葬俗   仰韶文化  
描述: r is constituted by two or more graves.Then, according to different forms of human skeletons which lie in the graves, Secondary Joint Burial can be divided into four categories: Straight limb-like, piled up and
全文:习俗的发展,墓地结构越来越松散。二次合葬习俗的发展过程,就是合葬墓所代表的家族组织从氏族中萌芽、发展壮大,并最终完全取代氏族组织的全过程。相关问题研究部分讨论了二次合葬习俗的起源、传播。认为二次合葬
敦煌吐蕃占卜文书研究
作者: 项欠多杰   来源: 中央民族大学 年份: 2009 文献类型 : 学位论文 关键词: 占卜文书   卜具   文书价值   占卜种类   吐蕃占卜  
描述: 藏族占卜文化有几千年的历史,是藏族文化的重要组成部分。吐蕃时期占卜术在藏族占卜文化的发展过程中有着承上启下的重要作用,这一时期的敦煌吐蕃占卜文书是保留吐蕃时期占卜术原貌的经典遗存。吐蕃占卜术与吐蕃时期的政治、经济和文化有着千丝万缕的联系。因此,研究吐蕃占卜文书有利于剔除以主观臆断和浓厚佛教色彩论述吐
全文:。 第二章,探讨藏族占卜文化的起源与发展,并对吐蕃时期的羊肩胛骨卜、鸦鸣占卜、骰子卜、铜钱卜、十二因缘占卜文书等进行分析和研究。 第三章,论述敦煌吐蕃占卜文书的特征、价值,以及吐蕃占卜文书与其他学科的关系
灾害与应对
作者: 张健   来源: 陕西师范大学 年份: 2009 文献类型 : 学位论文 关键词: 安康地区   清代   自然灾害   应对措施  
描述: significance.
全文:社会应对等问题。 文章整体归结为两个问题:一为灾害概况、影响、特征与成因,以灾害发生为中心;二为灾害的应对,包括灾后的拯灾救荒与灾前的防灾备荒,以应对措施为中心。全文分为四章,内容大体如下: 第一章为
对青海大通舞蹈纹彩陶盆的再阐释
作者: 马明明   来源: 南京艺术学院 年份: 2009 文献类型 : 学位论文 关键词: 舞蹈彩陶盆   远古社会形态   史前艺术  
描述: tong County, Majiayao Culture, Qinghai Province, as a relics of in Neolithic period, which is a great significance to people research on the prehistoric art. There were many scholars have paid a lot of time and effort to
全文:青海大通舞蹈盆的图像涵义,同时展现了远古社会意识形态的风貌。本文主旨在于论证:史前艺术之所以能表现远古社会形态,是由于艺术在起源之初,除了具有本元文化的特征之外,更多地承载了远古社会人类文化的丰富内涵,而且它具有表达实际意义的功能,这才使人们能够从中探寻远古社会的种种秘密。
当代人类学视野下的“花儿”及其研究
作者: 马莉   来源: 中央民族大学 年份: 2009 文献类型 : 学位论文 关键词: 人类学   花儿   文化遗产  
描述: n the mountains. "Huaer" is such kind of song which is popular in the areas of Gansu, Qinghai, Ningxia provinces. It is a cultural heritage which has the most unique regional charm and features with rich contents in northwestern region of China.
全文:进行了叙述,将人物的事件与思想观念变化结合起来,融合历史记忆与自我评价,表现了个人与文化群体、个人与社会变迁的联系。五“‘花儿会'的时代变迁”:(一)主要讲述松鸣岩“花儿会”的历史起源及神话传说;(二
宝鸡陈仓黑社火调查研究
作者: 姚欣杰   来源: 陕西师范大学 年份: 2009 文献类型 : 学位论文 关键词: 文化内涵   艺术形态   文化背景   黑社火  
描述: is a unique variety in are many types of Baoji Social and fire.
全文:论述,对于当地的文化生态,又着重从农林交贸、语言、宗教信仰、生活习俗(包括居住、饮食、婚丧、节日)四个角度进行了逐一阐述;其次以社火的起源和发展为切入点,梳理出了黑社火的历史源流及在不同社会背景下的兴衰历程
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